Free Speech Arguments Institute for Free Speech

The Imperial Sovereign Court of the State of Montana v. Knudsen, argued before Judges Johnnie B. Rawlinson, Danielle J. Forrest, and Jennifer Sung in the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit on June 4, 2024. Argued by Michael Russell (on behalf of Knudsen, et al.) and Constance Van Klay (on behalf of the Imperial Sovereign Court of the State of Montana, et al.).

Description of the Case, from the Introduction to the Appellees' Answering Brief:

It is clear what the Montana legislature meant to target through House Bill 359 (“HB 359”): drag. Legislators set their sights on drag because they believed—wrongly, and without evidence—that gender-nonconforming expression harms children. Obvious on the face of the law, their intent to stifle disfavored speech is proof enough that Plaintiffs likely will succeed on the merits of their First Amendment claim.

Far less clear—indeed, impossible to determine—is the law’s effect. Through HB 359, the legislature wildly overshot its mark, threatening draconian penalties against individuals, businesses, and organizations engaged in speech far beyond drag performances. As confusing as it is discriminatory, HB 359 is void for vagueness.

HB 359 can withstand constitutional review only by both creating a new exception to the First Amendment for drag and ignoring the void for vagueness doctrine. It discriminates on the basis of content and viewpoint, broadly chills protected speech, and opens the door to discriminatory enforcement.

Statement of the Issues, from the Appellant’s Opening Brief:

1. Whether the district court erred in finding that Plaintiffs have standing to seek injunctive relief against the State Defendants.

2. Whether the district court erred in finding Plaintiffs likely to succeed on the merits of their First/Fourteenth Amendment facial claim;

3. Whether the district court erred in finding Plaintiffs likely to succeed on the merits of their Fifth/Fourteenth Amendment facial claim;

4. Whether the district court erred in finding the remaining Winter factors weigh in favor of issuing a preliminary injunction; and

5. In the alternative, whether the district court erred in failing to properly narrow the scope of its preliminary injunction.

Resources:


Equality Files case docket for The Imperial Sovereign Court of the State of Montana v. Knudsen

The Institute for Free Speech promotes and defends the political speech rights to freely speak, assemble, publish, and petition the government guaranteed by the First Amendment. If you’re enjoying the Free Speech Arguments podcast, please subscribe and leave a review on your preferred podcast platform. To support the Institute’s mission or inquire about legal assistance, please visit our website: www.ifs.org

Nicholas Somberg v. Karen McDonald, argued before Senior Judge Alice M. Batchelder, Judge Amul R. Thapar, and Judge Andre B. Mathis in the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit on June 12, 2024. Argued by Philip L. Ellison (on behalf of Nicholas Somberg) and Brooke E. Tucker (on behalf of Karen McDonald).

Statement of Question Presented, from the Appellant’s Brief:

Plaintiff Nicholas Somberg contends he (and others) have the First Amendment right to photograph, screenshot, audio/video record, broadcast, report, distribute, share, and make public photographic, audio, and audio-video recordings of public court proceedings being livestreamed worldwide when doing such does not interact or cause any interaction with pending proceedings.

The question presented is:

Whether the First Amendment protects the making of digital records (i.e. photographic and audio-video recordings) of public court proceedings from online streaming services being broadcasted worldwide when doing so does not in any way interfere with pending judicial proceedings?

Resources:


CourtListener case docket for Somberg v. McDonald

The Institute for Free Speech promotes and defends the political speech rights to freely speak, assemble, publish, and petition the government guaranteed by the First Amendment. If you’re enjoying the Free Speech Arguments podcast, please subscribe and leave a review on your preferred podcast platform. To support the Institute’s mission or inquire about legal assistance, please visit our website: www.ifs.org

LeRoy Pernell, et al. v. Brian Lamb, et al. (consolidated with Adriana Novoa, et al. v. Commissioner of the Florida State Board of Education, et al.), argued before Judges Charles R. Wilson, Britt C. Grant, and Barbara Lagoa in the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit on June 14, 2024. Argued by Charles Cooper (on behalf of Brian Lamb, et al.) and Leah Watson (on behalf of Appellees LeRoy Pernell, et al.) and Greg Greubel (on behalf of Appellees Adriana Novoa, et al.).

Issues Presented, from the Brief of Defendants-Appellants:

(1) Whether Plaintiffs have Article III standing to bring a pre-enforcement challenge to each provision of Florida’s Individual Freedom Act that regulates public universities;

(2) Whether the Act’s regulation of in-class instruction by public employees triggers First Amendment scrutiny;

(3) Whether the Act is sufficiently tailored to advance the State’s compelling interest in preventing invidious discrimination by public employees at public universities;

(4) Whether the challenged provisions of the Act are unconstitutionally vague;

(5) Whether any unconstitutional provisions are severable from the remainder of the Act; and

(6) Whether equitable factors favor reversal of the district court’s preliminary injunction.

Resources:


CourtListener case docket for LeRoy Pernell v. Commissioner of the FL State Board of Education (pre-consolidation name of one of the constituent cases)

The Institute for Free Speech promotes and defends the political speech rights to freely speak, assemble, publish, and petition the government guaranteed by the First Amendment. If you’re enjoying the Free Speech Arguments podcast, please subscribe and leave a review on your preferred podcast platform. To support the Institute’s mission or inquire about legal assistance, please visit our website: www.ifs.org

National Republican Senatorial Committee, et al. v. Federal Election Commission, et al. argued before the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit sitting en banc on June 12, 2024. Argued by Noel J. Francisco on behalf of the NRSC and Jason Hamilton on behalf of the FEC.



The Question of Constitutionality Certified by the ⁠District Court⁠:

Do the limits on coordinated party expenditures in § 315 of the Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971, as amended, 52 U.S.C. § 30116, violate the First Amendment, either on their face or as applied to party spending in connection with “party coordinated communications” as defined in 11 C.F.R. § 109.37?

Resources:


⁠FEC case page docket for NRSC, et al. v. FEC, et al.⁠
⁠Institute for Free Speech amicus brief⁠



The Institute for Free Speech promotes and defends the political speech rights to freely speak, assemble, publish, and petition the government guaranteed by the First Amendment. If you’re enjoying the Free Speech Arguments podcast, please subscribe and leave a review on your preferred podcast platform. To support the Institute’s mission or inquire about legal assistance, please visit our website: www.ifs.org

U.S. v. Sittenfeld, argued before Judges John K. Bush, John B. Nalbandian, Eric E. Murphy in the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit on May 9, 2024

Statement of the Issues, from the Appellant’s Opening Brief:

1. Whether objectively ambiguous evidence can prove an “explicit” quid pro quo, and whether the concededly ambiguous evidence here sufficed to do so.

2. Whether the Government constructively amended the indictment by relying on a “bribe” different from the one specified in the indictment’s “to wit” clause.

Introduction to the case, from the Appellant’s Opening Brief:

Politicians cannot sell their official powers—not for bags of cash, not for Rolexes or luxury travel, and not even for campaign contributions. But identifying a campaign contribution as a bribe is uniquely fraught, because such contributions are always based on expectations of what the candidate will do in office. Candidates, likewise, know their policies, promises, and pledges will affect their ability to raise funds. All that is not only lawful; it is constitutionally protected. The result is an incredibly fine line: Donating or soliciting based on policy commitments is First Amendment activity, while donating or soliciting in exchange for policy commitments threatens a prison sentence. Articulating that distinction is hard enough; distinguishing the two in practice is even harder. That, in turn, casts a pall of prosecution over our entire political system and deprives officials and citizens alike of fair notice about what conduct is criminal. 

 Enter the Supreme Court. In McCormick v. United States, 500 U.S. 257 (1991), the Court addressed that problem by holding that the Government must hurdle a distinctly high evidentiary bar when it premises a bribery charge on a campaign donation …. [I]n the context of campaign contributions, the Government must show the quid pro quo was “explicit”— an unambiguous corrupt bargain. Anything less, the Court warned, would leave every campaign donation the fodder of a bribery charge, and every official at the mercy of a lay jury asked to infer corruption from money in politics…. 

 Alexander “P.G.” Sittenfeld was a rising star on Cincinnati’s City Council, and favorite to become the next mayor…. The Government engineered a sting to see if he would accept a campaign donation in exchange for supporting a local development project…. Yet despite that choreography, Sittenfeld never bit…. 

 The jury acquitted Sittenfeld on most counts, but (inconsistently) convicted on two. Even the district court acknowledged the Government’s evidence was at most “ambiguous,” and could be easily seen as ordinary politics. But the court reasoned that the jury was free to string together some vague phrases and pull an “explicit” exchange out of a hat. Every other court to address this issue, however, has required clear and unambiguous proof of corruption; none has upheld a conviction on a record so thin and ambivalent. Indeed, if this evidence suffices, McCormick has no meaning; prosecutors would be free to conjure a bribery charge against every politician, ushering in a First Amendment Ice Age. 

 The Government’s failure to satisfy McCormick is the most fundamental legal error. But at minimum this Court should order a new trial, because the Government constructively amended the indictment…. Under this Court’s precedent, that shift compels a new trial. 

Resources:


CourtListener case page for U.S. v. Sittenfeld
Institute for Free Speech amicus brief in support of defendant-appellant.

The Institute for Free Speech promotes and defends the political speech rights to freely speak, assemble, publish, and petition the government guaranteed by the First Amendment. If you’re enjoying the Free Speech Arguments podcast, please subscribe and leave a review on your preferred podcast platform. To support the Institute’s mission or inquire about legal

Diei v. Boyd, argued before Judges Joan L. Larsen, Chad A. Readler, and Stephanie Dawkins Davis in the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit on May 2, 2024

Statement of the Issues, from the Appellant’s Opening Brief:

1. The First Amendment bars public university officials from punishing students for their protected speech under the guise of professionalism policies. Defendants investigated and voted to expel Plaintiff Kimberly Diei under the College of Pharmacy’s professionalism policy because of her pseudonymous posts about social and cultural issues on her personal social media accounts. Did the district court err by concluding that Defendants did not violate the First Amendment?

2. Viewpoint discrimination is a long-settled and egregious First Amendment violation. Defendants admit they punished Diei because they disapproved of the “sexual” and “vulgar” views she expressed on her personal social media. Did the district court err by granting Defendants qualified immunity for retaliating against Diei’s protected speech?

3. Claims for retrospective declaratory relief continue to present a live controversy so long as they are tied to a claim for damages. Diei’s claims for retrospective declaratory relief are tied to her damages claims because they arise out of Defendants’ same course of unconstitutional conduct. Did the district court err by concluding that Diei’s claims for declaratory relief are moot?

Resources:


CourtListener case page for Diei v. Boyd

The Institute for Free Speech promotes and defends the political speech rights to freely speak, assemble, publish, and petition the government guaranteed by the First Amendment. Learn more on our website: www.ifs.org