Danube Institute Podcast

Danube Institute

The Danube Institute was established by the Batthyány Lajos Foundation in 2013 in Budapest, with the aim of encouraging the transmission of ideas and people within the countries of Central Europe and between Central Europe, other parts of Europe, and the English-speaking world. The Institute itself has been committed from its foundation to three philosophical loyalties: a respectful conservatism in cultural, religious, and social life, the broad classical liberal tradition in economics, and a realistic Atlanticism in national security policy.

  1. Liberalism's Last Stand | Danube Culture

    12월 4일

    Liberalism's Last Stand | Danube Culture

    On a chilly May morning in 1618, four Catholic lords regent, arrived at the Bohemian Chancellery at 8:30 am, to meet their Protestant counterparts. The agenda was to clarify whether the four regents were responsible for persuading the Emperor to stop Protestant church construction on royal lands. It did not go well. A fracas followed. At the end of which, two regents, plus their secretary, were defenestrated - literally thrown from a third storey window. Miraculously, all three survived the 70-foot fall. Millions would not be so lucky. The Thirty Years War that followed The Defenestration of Prague was one of the most destructive events in human history. By its end, a fifth of the German lands’ population was dead. Far more than the Second World War. In all, the Reformation’s wars of religion lasted around 120 years, and shattered the peace of the continent. Surveying the carnage, early liberal thinkers saw the new political ideology of liberalism as a solution: religious toleration, baked into the state. Yet for every Enlightenment thinker who genuinely sought to promote plurality, there was one who was actively hostile to religion itself. Voltaire and Rousseau preached religious toleration, but when the French revolutionaries carried their program to what they saw as its logical conclusion, they tried to institute a state-backed Cult of Reason and installed a prostitute in Notre Dame cathedral. Today, be it on abortion, assisted suicide, or freedoms of association, the debate has turned to whether liberalism and religion are compatible with one another. Pure liberalism - what you might call hyper-liberalism, has grown increasingly authoritarian in nature. And some are questioning whether it is itself compatible with a pluralistic society. Liberalism has had a good two hundred years — but as the world moves past US hegemony, is it doomed to become a victim of its own contradictions? Philip Pilkington is a Visiting Fellow at the Danube Institute, and author of The Collapse of Global Liberalism: And the Emergence of the Post Liberal World Order. To discuss this question, he is joined by Andrew Koppelman. Andrew is Professor of Law, Political Science and Philosophy at Northwestern University — and author of several books, including The Tough Luck Constitution; Gay Rights vs Religious Liberty: The Unnecessary Conflict; and Burning Down the House: How Libertarian Philosophy Was Corrupted by Delusion and Greed. And by Jacob Williams, a PhD student at Oxford University, specialising in post-liberal thought.

    45분
  2. The Covid Inquiry and the Mind Virus | Danube Politics

    12월 1일

    The Covid Inquiry and the Mind Virus | Danube Politics

    For years, we were told to obey the science, and seek the facts. Well, the facts are in. No dispute. Mortality from Covid was .25 percent of the global population. The 1919 Spanish Flu epidemic killed between 2.5 and 5 per cent. It is an order of magnitude smaller. The same ratio of 10:1 applies to the infection fatality rate. In fact, for a 40 year old, it had the same Infection Fatality Rate as the now forgotten Hong Kong Flu of 1968. Factually, we can now see that Covid was serious, but not catastrophic. So why have those who spoke out in the early days of the pandemic to urge proportionality, remained on the wrong side of history? In recent weeks, a UK national inquiry into the pandemic reached the second stage of its conclusions. Their findings? That Britain should have locked down harder, earlier. The inquiry’s chair, Baroness Heather Hallett, even put a number to this claim: locking down a week earlier, she said, would have saved 23 000 lives. Yet for Daniel Hannan and the small band of Covid-impact skeptics like him, who opposed lockdowns from the off, the right side of history continues to elude them. Five years ago, there must have been a sense that they only had to wait for the data: that validation would arrive by now. Sadly, the inquiry has only been a turgid, expensive means to amplify the old narrative. Its general quality poses broader questions: what is it to inquire, at a national, statutory level? How can we drill down to truth, when so many establishment interests stand in the way? Do we still have an elite class capable of putting aside their priors? Daniel Hannan now sits in the House of Lords, as Lord Hannan of Kingsclere. He has continued to be a thorn in the side of British bureaucracy, and to speak out on the Covid response. In this episode of Danube Politics, he talks to Visiting Fellow Gavin Haynes about Covid, inquiries, and the things we have forgotten to remember.

    54분
  3. Why Europe Is Losing The Tech Wars | Danube Politics

    11월 17일

    Why Europe Is Losing The Tech Wars | Danube Politics

    It’s a race that has been kept politely out of the mainstream discourse, spoken of only in the tech press. But this week, Jensen Huang, CEO of chip Goliath NVIDIA, decided to lob it into the mainstream, with a warning: “China” he said, “Is going to win the AI race.”  Huang’s warning was directed towards America. He later clarified his comments, saying that he wanted America to win the race. But that resource constraints: around consolidation, energy, and talent, might lead it to stumble, compared to China’s command economy.  In some sense, what he is hinting at is massive government support: a new Manhattan Project. A new Space Race. Winning that will define the geopolitics of the 21st century. In another sense, though, the race is not a race between two superpowers. It is between them and those who aren’t in it. Not least away from the beleaguered tech-desert of the EU, which must for now watch the prime movers pull ever further ahead.  Europe understands the challenge. It issues directives designed to embrace it.  And in terms of Huang’s challenge, the EU understands dirigisme very well. You might say it understands little else. Yet the fruits just aren’t there.  Its Digital Markets Act continues to draw the ire of US tech firms. Last year, it passed the AI Act - designed to regulate the industry. A piece of legislation that seemed chiefly concerned with the internet chat forum hobbyhorse of AI Safety.  Now, there is talk of special AI factories - consortiums, regional hubs, that will operate at scale, and pass their systems down to smaller companies, SMEs, who could not individually afford to keep up with the coming tech deluge.  At the same time, in the mid-tech world, the Dutch chip maker Nexperia has been at the centre of a geopolitical tug of war between its Chinese owners and the forces of the West, over who controls these kinds of vital supply lines. Europe let Nexperia fall from its grasp – and now demands to have it back.  So which way will the continent’s tech scene bend in these increasingly harsh headwinds? Will it become little more than a talent pool for America? Can it resist the phalanx of Chinese systems - and the coming wave of native Chinese chips? Is the solution US-style private sector innovation? Or Beijing’s lock-step market making?  Peter Caddle has been a Kremlinologist of the Brussels bubble for a while now. For 2 years, he was a journalist at Brussels Signal, with a beat in tech. He’s now a visiting fellow here at the Danube Institute. He talks to Gavin Haynes about whether we should be panicking.

    34분
  4. The New Generation and the Future of the MAGA Movement | View From The Danube #11

    11월 14일

    The New Generation and the Future of the MAGA Movement | View From The Danube #11

    Just as Boomers like Steve Jobs once remade America in their own liberal image. Just as the Millennials gave us Woke and Hustle Culture: what happens when the Zoomers get into the saddle? This month on View from the Danube, we’re looking at youthquakes. In Britain, a younger set seems to be throwing off the old softly-softly of their political culture, calling out migrant crime and brazenly leading the charge towards mass deportations. Meanwhile, in America, Tucker Carlson has interviewed Nick Fuentes. Fuentes has a massive online audience who call themselves Groypers. But for years, the mainstream right has kept him out of the conversation, because of his bizarre shock jock behaviour, Holocaust denial, and attacks on, quote-unquote, “world Jewry.” The interview, which was notoriously soft, has caused a ruckus inside the MAGA tent. Tucker says he merely wants to hear the arguments. But others ask : is there any future for the American right if it lets the likes of Fuentes in? Even on the other side - the election of 34 year old Zohran Mamdani as New York mayor - a man who wants government-run grocery stores and regularly quotes Karl Marx — suggests that the youth are breaking about as far left as they ever have. Take all this foment and fast forward fifteen years — can the old mode of liberal democracy even hold it together in the face of what’s pushing it from underneath? The groypers, Mamdani and the future: this time on View From The Danube.

    1시간 2분

소개

The Danube Institute was established by the Batthyány Lajos Foundation in 2013 in Budapest, with the aim of encouraging the transmission of ideas and people within the countries of Central Europe and between Central Europe, other parts of Europe, and the English-speaking world. The Institute itself has been committed from its foundation to three philosophical loyalties: a respectful conservatism in cultural, religious, and social life, the broad classical liberal tradition in economics, and a realistic Atlanticism in national security policy.

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