Himal Southasian Podcast Channel

Himal Southasian Podcast Channel
Himal Southasian Podcast Channel

Podcasts from Himal Southasian – Southasia's magazine of politics and culture, since 1987.

  1. Southasia Review of Books podcast #11: Sex, scandal and the death of a poet in 1970s Karachi

    4 天前

    Southasia Review of Books podcast #11: Sex, scandal and the death of a poet in 1970s Karachi

    In this episode, Shwetha Srikanthan, associate editor at Himal Southasian, speaks to the journalists Saba Imtiaz and Tooba Masood-Khan about their new book Society Girl: A Tale of Sex, Lies, and Scandal (October 2024, Roli Books).  On one October morning in 1970, phones began ringing all over Karachi. The established poet and former civil servant Mustafa Zaidi had been found dead in his bedroom. He wasn’t alone: Shahnaz Gul, a socialite in her late twenties, who was Zaidi’s muse and lover, was lying unconscious in the next room. What seemed like an apparent suicide turned into a scandal, ensnaring Shahnaz, and threatening to expose Karachi high society. The story grew to include obsession, revenge porn, the involvement of influential politicians and businessmen, smuggling and espionage, becoming a fixture on the front pages of newspapers even as the Subcontinent was going through major political upheaval. But two autopsies, a series of investigations and a trial later, no one was able to answer what exactly happened. Over fifty years later, authors Saba Imtiaz and Tooba Masood-Khan explore this question in their podcast, Notes on a Scandal, and in their new book, Society Girl. Their retelling of, and years-long investigation into this story led to a far more complex tale. It is ultimately not just about Mustafa and Shahnaz; but about the forces that existed during that time - the press, the elitist social structures, and the power dynamics in Pakistan – all just as potent today.

    56 分鐘
  2. State of Southasia #12: Hurmat Ali Shah on Pashtuns and the Pakistani state

    11月4日

    State of Southasia #12: Hurmat Ali Shah on Pashtuns and the Pakistani state

    In January 2018, Naqeebullah Mehsud, a young Pashtun from Waziristan was killed at the hands of police in Karachi. The incident triggered mass protests by Pashtuns, the ethnic community to which Mehsud belonged, which then consolidated into the Pashtun Tahafuz Movement (PTM). Pashtuns had for decades alleged and protested extra judicial killings and enforced disappearances by Pakistan’s security forces. However, in 2018, thousands joined the protests and civil society across Pakistan supported the movement.  The Pashtun community is the second largest ethnic group in Pakistan, making up about 15 percent of the country’s population. They have been viewed with suspicion by the Pakistani state because of their ethnic and cultural ties with Pashtuns across the border in Afghanistan. They have been caught in conflicts from the Afghan jihad of the 1980s to the War on Terror in the 2000s.  In 2014, a group of Mehsud students came together to demand safety and security of Pashtuns and formed the Mehsud Tahafuz Movement (MTM). In 2018, after the killing of Naqeebullah Mehsud, the MTM organised a Pashtun Long March through Pashtun-majority areas all the way to Islamabad. The march grew as families of the “disappeared” joined them in the thousands and the movement become the PTM. The Pakistan government tried its best to stop the march and stifle the 2018 protests. In a piece for Himal Southasian at the time, Sara Eleazar and Sher Ali Khan write about “reports of harassment and threatening phone calls from intelligence agencies and policemen to activists, journalists, professors, Pashtun university students, traders and even labourers in Lahore's Walled City flooded social media.” The state tried to crack down on the PTM again in October when it announced a ban on the movement, calling it a threat to national security. A notification from Pakistan’s ministry of interior said that “The federal government having reasons to believe that the PTM is engaged in certain activities prejudicial to peace and security of the country [...] is pleased to list the PTM in the First Schedule as a proscribed organisation.” This came days ahead of a jirga, or consultation of the Pashtun community, about its way forward. The pushback from the community and civil society in Pakistan and abroad resulted in the government stepping back and the jirga going ahead. “All these developments point to a greater popular and political consolidation of the Pashtun struggle – something the Pakistan state and security forces will certainly see as a threat,” writes Hurmat Ali Shah in Himal Southasian.  In this episode of State of Southasia, Shah speaks to associate editor Nayantara Narayanan about how the Pakistani state has always tried to define itself as against ethnic identities and particularly the Pashtuns,  the long history of systemic discrimination against the Pashtuns and how the Pashtun Tahafuz Movement has been pushing back.  https://www.himalmag.com/podcast/pakistan-pashtun-tahafuz-movement-ptm-military-taliban-protest-hurmat-ali-shah State of Southasia releases a new interview every two weeks. This podcast is now available on Spotify, Soundcloud, Apple podcasts and Youtube. Support Himal's podcasts that bring you crucial conversations with top thinkers on Southasia. Become a Patron today! https://www.himalmag.com/support-himal

    44 分鐘
  3. Southasia Review of Books podcast #10: Zara Chowdhary on ‘The Lucky Ones’ and surviving the violence of the 2002 Gujarat pogrom

    10月27日

    Southasia Review of Books podcast #10: Zara Chowdhary on ‘The Lucky Ones’ and surviving the violence of the 2002 Gujarat pogrom

    Welcome to the Southasia Review of Books Podcast from Himal Southasian, where we speak to celebrated authors and emerging literary voices from across Southasia. In this episode, Shwetha Srikanthan, associate editor at Himal Southasian, speaks to the writer, producer, and educator Zara Chowdhary, joining us from Madison, to talk about her memoir, The Lucky Ones (Context, September 2024) On the 27th February 2002, two train carriages were lit on fire in Gujarat, claiming the lives of sixty Hindu right-wing volunteers. The chief minister of the state at the time, Narendra Modi, called the burning an “act of terror”. The next day, raging Hindu mobs, poured into Gujarat’s streets looting, raping and burning alive the state’s Muslims. The massacre continued for three months. Within three weeks, more than 2000 Muslims were killed and by the end of 2002, more than 50,000 Muslims became refugees and survivors in their own country.  In 2002, Zara Chowdhary is sixteen years old and living with her family in the city of Ahmedabad. Instead of taking her board exams that week, Zara is put under a three-month lockdown, with her family and thousands of others fearing for their lives as Hindu neighbours and members of civil society transform overnight into mobs, hunting and massacring their fellow citizens. Modi, will later be accused of fomenting the massacre, and yet a decade later, will rise to become the prime minister of the “world’s largest democracy”, fuelling the rise of Hindu nationalism across India.  Zara’s memoir The Lucky Ones is a reckoning with this past that feels all too present today, and is an affecting ode to the women in her family. It is about the refusal to allow the violence that tore Gujarat apart in 2002, to be forgotten or repeated. It is the rebellion of a young Muslim woman who insists she will belong to her country, family, and faith on her own terms.  This episode is now available on Spotify, Soundcloud, Apple Podcasts and Youtube.

    1 小時 5 分鐘
  4. State of Southasia #11: Jyoti Rahman on rebuilding democracy in Bangladesh

    10月20日

    State of Southasia #11: Jyoti Rahman on rebuilding democracy in Bangladesh

    In mid-October, the Bangladesh interim government announced the cancellation of eight national holidays introduced by Sheikh Hasina during her tenure as prime minister. These holidays celebrated her father and former president Sheikh Mujibur Rahman as well as Bangladesh’s liberation from Pakistan in 1971. An adviser to the interim government headed by Muhammad Yunus also said that it did not recognise Rahman as the Father of the Nation. The move is one of a series of attempts to reverse many of the changes instituted by Hasina and her party, the Awami League, during their 15 years in power since 2009. It reflects the anger of the Bangladeshi people against the Hasina regime that had become autocratic and immensely unpopular.  The bigger and more difficult task for the interim government, however, has been to release Bangladesh's public institutions from the grip of the Awami League. Hasina had installed people from the party and others close to her in positions of power in the security apparatus, the judiciary and the banking system. The interim government has instituted a commission to rework the country’s constitution to restore democratic processes and prevent abuse of power in the future.  In this episode of State of Southasia, the economist and political commentator Jyoti Rahman speaks to associate editor Nayantara Narayanan about this critical period of transition for Bangladesh, when Yunus and interim government have to lay the groundwork for free and fair elections, for a democratically-elected government to take over and about the challenges involved.    State of Southasia releases a new interview every two weeks. This podcast is now available on Soundcloud, Spotify, Apple podcasts and Youtube.

    52 分鐘
  5. SaRB #09: Geetanjali Shree and Daisy Rockwell on ‘Our City That Year’

    10月14日

    SaRB #09: Geetanjali Shree and Daisy Rockwell on ‘Our City That Year’

    Geetanjali Shree’s Our City That Year, translated by Daisy Rockwell (Penguin India, August 2024), is a tale of a city under siege, reflecting a society that lies fractured along fault lines of faith and ideology. First published in 1998, Our City That Year is loosely based on the communal riots and violence in the lead-up to the demolition of the Babri Masjid in Ayodhya in 1992 and its aftermath of rising uncertainty and dread. Twenty-six years after its original Hindi publication, the book’s call to bear witness to India under the grips of religious nationalism is timelier than ever, speaking to the growing communal divisions in India and across the Subcontinent. Geetanjali Shree is the winner of the 2022 International Booker Prize, and of the Warwick Prize for Women in Translation, for her novel, Tomb of Sand (Ret Samadhi in the Hindi original). The novel was also shortlisted for the Emile Guimet Prize. She has written four other novels, Mai (Mai: Silently Mother), Hamara Shahar Us Baras (Our City That Year), Tirohit (The Roof Beneath Their Feet), and Khali Jagah (Empty Space), and five collections of short stories. She writes essays and gives talks in both Hindi and English. Her work is translated into many Indian and foreign languages. Geetanjali has also worked on theatre scripts in collaboration with a Delhi based group, Vivadi, of which she is a founding member. Daisy Rockwell is a painter and award-winning translator of Hindi and Urdu literature, living in Vermont. She has published numerous translations from Hindi and Urdu, including Ashk’s Falling Walls (2015), Bhisham Sahni’s Tamas (2016), and Khadija Mastur’s The Women’s Courtyard. Her translation of Krishna Sobti’s final novel, A Gujarat here, a Gujarat there (Penguin, 2019) was awarded the Aldo and Jeanne Scaglione Prize for a Translation of a Literary Work in 2019. Her translation of Geetanjali Shree’s Tomb of Sand (Tilted Axis Press, 2021; HarperVia, 2022) won the 2022 International Booker Prize and the 2022 Warwick Prize for Women in Translation.

    1 小時 2 分鐘
  6. State of Southasia #10: Ambika Satkunanathan on the landmark political shift in Sri Lanka

    9月30日

    State of Southasia #10: Ambika Satkunanathan on the landmark political shift in Sri Lanka

    In 2019, Anura Kumara Dissanayake contested Sri Lanka’s presidential election against the incumbent Gotabaya Rajapaksa. He won only three percent of the vote. In the parliamentary elections a year later, the National People’s power – the coalition that includes Dissanayake’s party, the Janata Vimukti Peramuna – won only three seats. The JVP was disparaged as the “three percent party.” In 2024, Dissanayake has turned the tables by winning 42 percent of the vote share. Meanwhile, Namal Rajapaksa, the son of former president and prime minister Mahinda Rajapaksa, secured only three percent. Dissanayake’s meteoric rise to Sri Lanka’s executive presidency, which marks a landmark shift in the country’s politics, was powered in large part by the people’s struggle or Aragalaya in 2022 and the simmering public dissatisfaction with the political class ever since. In this episode of State of Southasia, Ambika Satkunanathan, a lawyer and former commissioner of human rights in Sri Lanka, explains how sections of the populace, including the Tamil minority, are wary of Dissanayake, given the JVP’s history of violent insurrections in the 1980s and its leftist economic outlook. However, she says, he has made the right moves in reaching out to business communities and showing an eagerness to work with everyone. State of Southasia releases a new interview every four weeks. This podcast is now available on Soundcloud, Spotify, Apple podcasts and Youtube.

    49 分鐘
  7. State of Southasia #09: Anna M M Vetticad on the gender reckoning in Malayalam cinema

    9月16日

    State of Southasia #09: Anna M M Vetticad on the gender reckoning in Malayalam cinema

    On 19 August, the government of the Indian state of Kerala released 233 pages of a report on gender discrimination in the Malayalam language film industry based in the state. The government released the report six years after it was commissioned and more than four years after it was first submitted. The report has come to be called the Hema Committee report, named for the chairperson, the former judge K Hema. The other two members of the committee were the veteran actor T Sharada and the retired civil services officer K B Vasalakumari. The committee was constituted after a group of actors and artists called the Women in Cinema Collective petitioned the government to look into conditions in which women in the industry were made to work. Film journalist Anna M M Vetticad, who has followed the story for years, says that only the persistence of this collective has ensured the report’s release. The report contains depositions from several senior and junior artists and workers, both women and men. Based on these depositions and their own inquiries, the authors of the report found rampant abuse – sexual harassment and assault, demands of sexual favours for entry into the industry, the lack of facilities like toilets and changing rooms on sets, the lack of security measures in transport and accommodation, gender discrimination in renumeration, silencing women with threats of bans and much more. Since the report was released, a number of women have made allegations of sexual misconduct against men in the industry, triggering another #Metoo wave. The government has constituted a special investigation team to look into the allegations. But Vetticad points out that the sexual abuse, while horrific, is only a symptom of larger systemic problems in an industry that needs structural change from the ground up. She speaks to Himal’s Nayantara Narayanan in this episode of State of Southasia about the findings and flaws of the report, institutionalised misogyny in Malayalam cinema on-screen and on set, and why this is a moment of reckoning for all of India’s film industries. This epsiode is now available on Soundcloud: https://on.soundcloud.com/HiEyJvoyFBBcVpYM6 Youtube: https://youtu.be/980k0zfDiGM Spotify: https://open.spotify.com/episode/4VQxaymMemJdweDZOAGz5z?si=nywQWUvEQtGzNEIAbe2UBg Apple Podcasts: https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/state-of-southasia-09-anna-m-m-vetticad-on-the/id1464880116?i=1000669665201 https://www.himalmag.com/podcast/hema-committee-report-kerala-malayalam-film-industry-bollywood-women-in-cinema-collective Listeners like you make conversations like this one possible. Become a patron to support the State of Southasia podcast: https://www.himalmag.com/support-himal

    57 分鐘
  8. SaRB #08: The Afghan women writers who bore witness to the fall of Kabul

    9月9日

    SaRB #08: The Afghan women writers who bore witness to the fall of Kabul

    In the three years since its return to power, the Taliban have excluded women and girls from almost every aspect of public life in Afghanistan, denying them access to education, employment, even speaking or showing their faces outside their homes. Published this August, My Dear Kabul: A Year in the Life of An Afghan Women’s Writing Group (Coronet, August 2024) is the collective diary of 21 fiercely brilliant Afghan women writers, compiled using WhatsApp messages, offering courageous and intimate testimonies of the fall of Kabul in 2021 and its aftermath, of life under Taliban rule and far from home in exile. In August 2021 these women were in the process of publishing an anthology of short stories when their world was turned upside down. As they watched their cities fall, schools close, families and friends disperse and freedoms disappear, they stayed connected via WhatsApp messages, and established a space to keep their creativity alive, support each other and bear witness to the turmoil unfolding around them. My Dear Kabul is their story. My Dear Kabul is an Untold Narratives project, supported using public funding by the National Lottery through Arts Council England and by The Bagri Foundation. Untold is a development programme for writers marginalised by community or conflict. It has been working with women writers in Afghanistan since 2020, where support for writers has been hampered by restrictions on freedom of expression and instability. Marie, among the 21 contributors to My Dear Kabul, was born in Afghanistan but her family lived in exile when she was a young child, returning home during the years of the Islamic republic. She studied for her first degree at Kabul University’s Faculty of Psychology and Educational Sciences before completing a master’s degree in India. In August 2021, Marie was in Afghanistan, working in the marketing department of a German aid agency while running her own women-led counselling service. In November 2021, she was evacuated from her family home to an apartment in Germany; she moved alone. Her story ‘The Café’ was published in Moveable Type in 2023. Marie is also a contributor to My Pen Is the Wing of a Bird (MacLehose Press, 2021) and Rising After the Fall (Scholastic, 2023). Parwana Fayyaz, a translator and editor of My Dear Kabul, is a scholar and teacher of Persian literature at the University of Cambridge. She is also a poet and translator working with multiple languages. Her poetry collection, Forty Names (Carcanet Press, 2021), was a New Statesman book of the year and a White Review book of the year. Her translations promote the writings and culture of Afghan people around the world. Sunila Galappatti, an editor of My Dear Kabul, has worked with other people’s stories as a dramaturg, theatre director, editor and writer: at the Royal Shakespeare Company, Live Theatre (Newcastle), Galle Literary Festival, Raking Leaves, Suriya Women’s Development Centre, Commonwealth Writers, Himal Southasian and Untold Narratives. She spent five years working with a long-term prisoner of war in the Sri Lankan conflict, to retell his story in A Long Watch (Hurst, 2016). I should add I’ve had the privilege of working with Sunila at Himal - so I’m thrilled to be speaking with her today.

    1 小時 30 分鐘

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Podcasts from Himal Southasian – Southasia's magazine of politics and culture, since 1987.

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