The Bob Zadek Show

Bob Zadek
The Bob Zadek Show

Bob talks about the issues that affect our lives on a daily basis from a purely libertarian standpoint. He believes in small government, fewer taxes, and greater personal freedom. America has lost its way, but it cannot and does not need to be reinvented. Our founders were correct about their approach to government, as were John Locke, Adam Smith and the other great political philosophers who influenced them. The country’s first principles are economic and social freedom, republicanism, the rule of law, and liberty. Bob believes we must take the best of our founding principles and work from them because a country without principles is just a landmass. www.bobzadek.com

  1. 11/20/2023

    Senator Rand Paul Exposes the Great COVID Coverup

    Although the immediate medical crisis of COVID may be behind us, we have yet to recover from the political side effects of the pandemic. We were lied to. Senator Rand Paul has revealed the extent of the lies in his explosive new book, Deception: The Great COVID Coverup, yet few have come to terms with the brute facts regarding “Gain of Function” research and the conspiracy to keep it a secret. I had the privilege of interviewing Senator Paul about the extensive deception around COVID-19, and the shocking number of government agencies and private sector entities involved in the collective coverup. Rather than coming clean, Dr. Fauci and others orchestrated a massive campaign to shirk responsibility. The American people deserve to know the full truth. With the mainstream media still asleep at the wheel, it’s time to wake up to the egregious overreach of federal, state, and local governments that took place, and ensure that they are never again able to abuse powers in this way. Listen to Senator Paul summarize in his own words what you’ll learn from his book: “It was the outright lies that piqued my interest. What Fauci was actually doing was beginning a coverup. People often question, ‘How could a conspiracy involving hundreds of people possibly be true?’ As George Carlin said, ‘You don’t need a conspiracy when interests converge.’ I think over time, the idea that they could share guilt or culpability for millions of deaths [was] a big incentive for them to cover up.” Listen now, or read the transcript below, to learn the full story behind the lab leak hypothesis (at this point, all but confirmed), and the Senator’s ongoing efforts to get the word out to the public This is a public episode. If you’d like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.bobzadek.com/subscribe

    26 min
  2. 03/27/2023

    Remember when kids were free to be kids?

    Lenore Skenazy is author of Free Range Kids, first published in 2010 and republished a few years ago. She's a frequent public speaker and co-founder with Jonathan Haidt of Let Grow movement. She's been on The View, 20/20, The Daily Show, and The Today Show. We first met Lenore when she was a columnist for the New York Sun, shortly after she wrote "Why I let my nine year old ride the subway alone," which earned her the coveted award of the “world's worst mom.” It is my pleasure to introduce her to an entire new generation of my show's listeners, as my final show. Links * Let Grow * Free-Range Kids book * FreeRangeKids.com * The Fragile Generation Reason Magazine by Lenore Skenazy and Jonathan Haidt Transcript Bob Zadek: Lenore, please share the anecdote of the world's worst mom for us again? Lenore Skenazy (11:16): Sure. Well the headline says it all. Years ago when our younger son was nine, he started asking me and my husband (who you never hear of as the world's worst dad) if we would take him someplace he'd never been before here in New York City and let him find his own way home on the subway. Bob, did you grow up here? Bob Zadek (11:42): Yes, I was a subway rider as far back as I can remember. I grew up riding the buses, the Q44 A and all the buses and the A E and the F train. Lenore Skenazy (12:01): A Q tells us you were a Queens boy! So my son asked if he could take the subway alone. We said yes, so one sunny Sunday I took him to Bloomingdale's. I left him in the handbag department because that's where the subway entrance is. I took a bus home and he went down to the subway. He talked to a stranger and asked if this was the right direction. The stranger said no, he was on the wrong side. But instead of hurting him, the stranger helped him. So he took the subway down to 34th Street, the Miracle Street, got out, and had to take a bus across town to get home. He came into the apartment levitating with pride. He'd done something grown up, his parents had trusted him, and it had gone well. I didn't write about it immediately because I didn't realize my entire career depended on it at the time. I was a newspaper reporter, and about a month and a half later, when I had nothing to write about, I said, “How about I write a column about letting my son take the subway by himself?” My editor says, “Sure, it's a nice local story.” And so I wrote Why I let my nine year-old ride the subway alone. Two days later I was on the Today Show, MSNBC, Fox News and NPR being interviewed and often chided for doing something that could have been dangerous. It took years for me to unpack why we always ended up talking about “What would've happened if he had been murdered??”, even though he obviously hadn't been. So I started Free Range Kids as a blog. I should say that I love safety helmets and car seats and seat belts and mouth guards, extra layers. I just don't think kids need us with them every single second of the day. I think they can figure things out on their own. I think they can have some adventures. I think they're as smart as we were and we got to spend a lot of time on our own. So that's what I've been preaching for 15 years. Kids are smarter and safer than our culture gives them credit for. Bob Zadek (14:34): My parents were model parents by your standards. They would've gotten the award at your annual ceremony for the world's best parents because they took risks with my life probably every day of my upbringing. I walked to school in Queens where I grew up. What Drives Overparenting? Bob Zadek: What are the merits of this fanaticism that drives the helicopter parenting? Lenore Skenazy (15:41): Parenting has changed. Suddenly, instead of discussing something happy and triumphant, we were talking about a hypothetical where my son died. First of all, it's an extremely depressing and distressing thing to discuss. But then I gradually realized that to go to that dark place had become the hallmark of good parenting. That's what everybody does now. When we're trying to pass the laws so that you're allowed to let your kids play outside or walk to school, the counter-argument is always, “Well, what if something goes wrong?” Thinking that catastrophically and pessimistically about everyday things like walking to the bus stop or playing at the park is new. Your mom and my mom would let us walk to school starting at age five, and everybody did. And so what the culture had back then was a shared belief that kids are pretty competent and the world is pretty safe and nothing is perfect, but that doesn't mean we can't let them go. And that has evaporated. Bob Zadek (17:46): You gave us the hypothetical, What would you have felt if your son died? It's kind of the question I think begs the answer a bit, but who dwells there? Was he holding his breath waiting for your answer? Part of that approach to parenting assumes that something going wrong is more likely than not fatal. But things are supposed to go wrong. How else does one learn? If you're 26 when you first find out things could go wrong, you're not going to live to 27. You're just not going to make It. Lenore Skenazy (19:01): If I ever give a Ted talk (hint, hint Ted talk people out there), I would call it “What if something goes wrong? Good.” Because that is how you learn almost everything. You certainly remember things better if they went disastrously. also babies come into the world uncooked in a way. It’s not like a gazelle that's born and by the next day It's just like any other gazelle that's running around. But humans come in and they're pretty helpless because their brain is just busy learning. It has so much learning to do, and it does this by being curious and paying attention to everything. And Mother Nature has assumed that throughout your childhood you'll be doing all sorts of things. You'll be screwing up. You'll be with a lot of different kids of different ages because that's how kids grew up in just a big bundle of the Peanuts gang. And you will learn from it all. You will learn from the times that you don't fall off the swing. You will learn from the times when you do. You will learn from the time that you haven't had your turn yet because you didn't assert yourself. Or you'll learn from the time that you gave your little brother a chance on the swing because you're older and you're a decent person and your heart will swell and your brother will love you forever. So nature expects you to have good and bad things happening all the time. And the big lie that has been told to parents is that you better prevent any of those things from happening because it will hurt your child. And you don't want your child to be distressed or frustrated or hurt in any way. So it's like taking half of the vitamins out of your food. It's like, okay, now you still have the white flour but you don't have any of the chaff. We're expecting kids to be just as hardy as ever, but we're not giving them half the nutrients – the bad things. You don't want a life of only bad things, but you want to have to do a little bit of struggling and figuring things out. I will give you one quick example if I may. So there's an article in the Wall Street Journal on how to raise a free range kid in the 2020s, which I thought was odd because they didn't call me and whatever, doesn't matter. The woman they interviewed had come up with the perfect solution. When she grew up she would always go down to the creek near her house and she would play for hours and found things interesting, whether it was with friends or without friends and make things out of rocks, whatever. She just loved being in the woods. And she said now that her daughter was the age that she had been, she wanted her to have the same experience. And so she gave her a phone and said, “Now you can go.” And she said, “The great thing was that my daughter was riding her bike to the creek, and the chain fell off her bike and she could call her dad immediately,” the woman's husband. He hurried over and promptly put the chain back on the bike. It is distressing that she failed to recognize the completely opposite experience she had compared to before, when she was trusted to be on her own and figure things out if something went wrong. Whether she fell off her bike, the chain broke, or she accidentally hit a squirrel, she would have managed. It is unimaginable to think of anything terrible happening on a bike, but had it occurred, she would have figured it out. I think she's giving her daughter a far less exciting, less empowered experience. Why Risk-Taking is Essential for Kids Bob Zadek (23:03): The parents have been indoctrinated into being afraid ear of danger lurking everywhere. My parents would occasionally remind me to be careful and do things, but they weren't obsessed by it. I was pushed out the house after breakfast and I think the door may have been locked. I didn't come home until my mother yelled “Robert!” at the top of her lungs on my front stoop at the end of the day and I was summoned back and everybody's mother did the same thing for dinner and that was it. There was no contact with the parents whatsoever. It was only kids. You explain how important it is for kids to develop their own games, and resolve differences, without being protected from that, and you explain how children are protected from negotiating with other kids just to resolve differences. Speak to that how that is a crucial part of becoming a contributing adult. Lenore Skenazy (24:37): Jonathan Haidt and I wrote about this in The Fragile Generation from a couple years ago. We've been trained by all the experts and fear mongers and parenting magazines and books. There was Parents magazine article called the “Play Date Playbook”. First of all, you never called them play dates. And secondly, play dates are pretty easy. You don't need a playbook. It's not football, it's just kids getting together. The article had a bunch of

    53 min
  3. 03/20/2023

    Arnold Kling: We Just Nationalized the Banking System—Now What?

    Arnold Kling holds a PhD in economics from MIT. He has worked at the Federal Reserve and later at Freddie Mac. In 1994, he started a web-based business. He used to blog at EconLog, and now writes at ArnoldKling.substack.com. Links & Transcript * arnoldkling.substack.com * Reason forum hosted by Zach Weissmueller, * The Big Short * It’s a Wonderful Life - Bank run scene How did SVB (almost) Go Under? Bob Zadek: (01:49): Arnold, let's talk about Silicon Valley Bank, founded around 40-50 years ago—a new bank compared to our first bank formed by Alexander Hamilton around the country's founding. Silicon Valley Bank was doing fine until recently. It was the 16th largest bank, with plenty of funds and public shareholders. It specialized in startups, especially biotech and tech companies, and was a favorite of venture capitalists in Silicon Valley. Then suddenly, Silicon Valley Bank collapsed. So far there hasn't been a run on the bank, perhaps because the Fed intervened. But how could a successful, well-established bank fail so quickly? Arnold, tell us how a bank could go from thriving to defunct overnight. Arnold Kling (03:47): As Ernest Hemingway said, “Gradually, then suddenly.” I think that captures the story here. They gradually lost money because they held a huge portfolio of long-term mortgage-backed securities and Treasury securities on their books from a couple of years ago before interest rates went up. The value of that portfolio went down. Then they went bankrupt suddenly because over 95% of their deposits were not insured. The typical customer had $3 million to $4 million that they used to make payroll and other expenses. That's way above the insurance limit of $250,000. Those people saw the bank was underwater, and no one wanted to be the last one left holding the bag. They started a run on the bank. Bob Zadek (04:56): The public believes that when you deposit money in the bank, the bank somehow keeps it in a shoebox under the counter. But nothing could be further from the truth. In fact, when you deposit money in the bank, you are making an unsecured loan to the bank. Unlike a bank that lends you money with the collateral of your home or car, you are just the lowest form of creditor—an unsecured creditor. We don't want all depositors withdrawing their funds at once. That's called a "run on the bank,” as Jimmy Stewart explains in It's a Wonderful Life. If everyone who lent you money demanded their money back at once, even if you have assets, they're not in cash. So you'd default. After the Great Depression, the government decided to avoid bank runs by guaranteeing deposits up to $250,000. The problem was that millions and millions of dollars were deposited in Silicon Valley Bank, but then bad things started to happen. The bank had invested much of their money in federal securities, so it didn't have enough cash on hand to give everyone their deposits back right away. The federal securities that banks invest in are usually very safe. This caused even more panic and worsened the run on the bank. In short, too much money chasing too few safe investments led to a crisis of confidence in Silicon Valley Bank. Arnold Kling (09:13): In a way, this is a rerun of the savings and loan crisis of the 1970s and 1980s. If you lent me money for a mortgage a few years ago at 3% interest, you're probably not happy collecting only 3% now that mortgage rates are closer to 6%. On the other hand, I'm delighted to pay only 3% and have no desire to sell my house and take on a new mortgage at 5%. So what's good for me is bad for you as a lender. Silicon Valley Bank lent heavily when interest rates were low. As a result, the mortgage securities and long-term bonds they purchased declined in value. However, there is no risk of default on my 3% mortgage, so I am happy to repay it. Similarly, there is no way the federal government will default on the 20-year bonds paying one and a half percent interest. You need not worry about default in that sense. Though you may believe these investments are safe, they have lost value. If you had to resell them to someone else today, you might get only 50 to 60 cents on the dollar. That is exactly the problem Silicon Valley Bank faced. There was some ordinary deposit runoff because the tech boom was fading, so some of these companies were starting to spend their money. Instead of having 3 million in their account, they might have take it down to 2 million. So they're asking for a million dollars back, and the bank to meet that has to sell some of its portfolio. With its portfolio being worth 50 or 60 cents on the dollar, it's starting to book losses.Then these depositors start to worry: What if I need my money when it's my turn? Will they still have it? Insolvency vs. Illiquidity Bob Zadek (11:44): Imagine you own a house worth $1 million. You owe $500,000 on the mortgage—that's your only debt. Your net worth is $500,000. You're financially secure. But if the mortgage holder demanded repayment the next morning and you can’t pay, you'd be insolvent. That's what insolvency means: owing more than you can repay. Arnold Kling (12:58): I would call that illiquid. If you had to sell everything immediately and pay off your mortgage, you wouldn't be insolvent. If you sold your house for $1 million, you could pay the $500,000 mortgage and have $500,000 left over. You'd be insolvent if your house was worth $400,000 and the mortgage was $500,000. Silicon Valley Bank was illiquid and insolvent. They lacked the funds to repay the depositors demanding their money back. They were also insolvent because selling their bond portfolio would not have raised enough money to repay all deposits. Bob Zadek (14:23): I noticed that the Moody's rating for Silicon Valley Bank dropped from an A to a C rating overnight. The rating agencies, which were one of the main culprits of the 2008 financial crisis, seem to have again fallen asleep at the switch with Silicon Valley Bank, as with First Republic. The rating agencies are supposed to sound the alarm, but they're paid by the companies they rate, not the people who rely on them. Arnold Kling (15:50): In addition to the rating agencies, there were actually all these people, either in the private sector or government regulators—the California Home Loan Bank Board, the FDIC, the auditor—who signed off on everything. None of these people did anything until the crisis was over, even though there were short sellers who could see this happening. I believe bank examiners noticed issues about a year ago—saying that their growth was problematic. Banks aren't supposed to triple in size organically. SVB had $60 billion in deposits in early 2020 but around $180 billion by late 2022. If you're running a bank, you cannot keep your management controls operating with growth at that rate. You're going to have junior managers managing four or five times more than they’ve ever managed. You're going to be throwing new hires in there the way Putin's throwing untrained soldiers at Ukraine. Bank examiners saw the problems, and that was even before considering the interest rate risk. They also saw the interest rate risk, but did nothing. We think that if there are enough regulations, these issues won't happen. But they certainly don't prevent everything. Regulations alone are not enough. Bob Zadek (17:59): As a lawyer and lender in commercial credit, I have often heard those seeking loans present themselves with unusual growth, boasting, “We have grown so fast.” My response is that there is natural growth one would expect in companies or living things. But there can also be extraordinary growth—we call that “cancer.” It is unhealthy, whether financially or physically. Arnold Kling (19:51): I'm actually surprised the FDIC didn't have a veteran regulator involved. There had to be people at the FDIC who could see there was a problem. It would be interesting to file a Freedom of Information Act request for all the memos written about Silicon Valley Bank, because I bet there was some old curmudgeon writing things like "Why don't we shut this bank down? Why don't we make them hedge their interest rate risk? Why don't we do this? Why don't we do that?" Someone higher up probably said, "No, we don't need to do any of that." Why not let SVB fail? Bob Zadek (20:45): The federal regulators took action that they vehemently deny was a bailout. Putting aside labels, they stepped in over a weekend and prevented an obvious outcome: letting the bank fail. There's nothing wrong with a bank failing. Depositors put money in a bank, presumably making an informed decision. They don't qualify as victims. Small depositors are protected by insurance. Just let the bank fail. Let companies unwise enough to leave money with the bank lose it, since they made a bad loan. But the regulators didn't do that. Instead of the obvious choice to let the bank fail, they intervened to avoid it. Tell us why regulators did not let the free market run its course? Arnold Kling (22:40): Something pretty striking happened this weekend: The U.S. banking system was nationalized. The government now controls our banking system like in China. Why did this happen? It wasn't just about bailing out SVB. It was about bailing out every other bank because around 25% of banks—maybe more, maybe less—are in bad shape. They hold too many long-term bonds and may be insolvent. Even solvent banks have uninsured deposits and large accounts. If SVB had failed, the consequences would have hurt not just SVB's creditors. “Something pretty striking happened this weekend: The U.S. banking system was nationalized. The government now controls our banking system like in China.” So I believe if they had done nothing Monday morning, we would have descended into chaos. The financial system could have completely collapsed. I don't think they had a choice. Had nature run its course, there's a strong likelihood of widespread fin

    53 min
  4. 03/13/2023

    Confronting the 'Cancelists' with Alan Dershowitz

    Today's guest, renowned civil liberties attorney and Harvard law professor Alan Dershowitz, raises the bar and exceeds the highest standards. Professor Dershowitz has published over a thousand articles and 50 books, including several national bestsellers. His autobiography Taking the Stand was a New York Times bestseller. Other notable books include The Trials of Zion, Rights From Wrongs, The Case for Israel, and Chutzpah. His forthcoming book Dershowitz on Killing examines the complex issue of determining rules regarding life and death decisions. Following the principles that have guided his long, distinguished career, he argues these rules should reflect the irreversibility of death. In this episode, Dershowitz explains how he became unfairly "canceled" for adhering to his principles, and what upholding these principles has cost him. His most recent book, The Price of Principle: Why Integrity Is Worth the Consequences (July 2022), takes a broad stance against the dangerous trend of cancellations—both of specific people as well as the very idea of neutral justice. It’s not only right-wingers provocateurs being cancelled on college campuses anymore. Liberal ideas, including some of the most cherished principles of American government, are now being cast aside. Take the presumption of innocence. It’s the bedrock of our adversarial legal system. We all pay lip service to the idea that everyone is entitled to a vigorous defense. Yet the principle seems to go out the window whenever the person being defended is unpopular, as when Dershowitz pointed out the shaky legal grounds for impeaching former President Trump. In recent years, Dershowitz himself has suffered the ‘price of principle’ as the latest victim of cancel culture. Former friends like Larry David refuse to talk to him; he’s been shunned from events at which he used to be top-billed speaker. And his principled defenses of unpopular figures like Trump have been used against him in the court of public opinion. Unlike most celebrities whom the “cancelists” go after, Alan was exonerated. Still, Dershowitz has found few defenders. He has had to defend himself. Furthermore, he writes that principles have taken a backseat to partisan identity politics. Partisan Democrats forget that his defense of Trump was based on the same principles he had used to defend Clinton against partisan attacks. He argues that too many people abandon their principles in favor of whatever stance benefits their political party or social group, and believes we are heading towards a "dystopia of partisanship and discrimination" if this trend continues. Purchase the book, and subscribe to Alan’s Substack: Links * The Price of Principle: Why Integrity Is Worth the Consequences * Dershowitz on Killing * Bel and the Dragon - Wikipedia * In Defence of Cross-Examination - Chapter 6 - Search for Truth in Arbitration: Is Finding the Truth what Dispute Resolution is About? - ASA Special Series No. 35 | ArbitrationLaw.com * 12 Angry Men (1957 film) - Wikipedia * Julius and Ethel Rosenberg - Wikipedia Transcript The Case for Neutral Principles Bob Zadek: Alan, your recently published book The Price of Principle: Why Integrity Is Worth the Consequences differs from your 50 other methodically persuasive books on topics like censorship, equality, vaccine mandates, and law. This book is more personal. What goal did you have in writing it? Alan Dershowitz (02:54): I wish to criticize cancel culture. I desire to push back against those who would censor views they disagree with. I wanted to express my disapproval for free speech for me but not for thee—due process for me but not for thee. If I can be canceled because I stood up for principle, then anyone could be canceled. If I can be attacked, then any American can be attacked. I feel a special obligation because I do have a platform to fight back against what I regard as some of the greatest evils of today: the substitution of partisanship for principle. People just pick sides and try to do justice not based on any evidence or principles, but based on which side you're on. In the Bible and the Torah, God tells judges there are only two rules. One, don't take bribes. That's obvious, but that's the second rule. The first rule is low tech: Do not recognize faces or do justice based on who the individuals are. That is why the statue of Justice is blindfolded. But today everybody is peeking under that blindfold and administering justice based on race, political party, gender, ethnicity, religion—everything but the merits. This is a call to return to principles. It is difficult, because I have obviously been censored, criticized, threatened with disbarment proceedings, and subjected to every possible type of attack for insisting on prioritizing principles over partisanship. But I will continue doing so and fighting back. Bob Zadek: Most partisans believe they are advancing a principle through their actions. So are we really talking about the methods used to promote a principle? Because one influences the other, doesn't it? Alan Dershowitz: Yes, but remember everybody claims to have principles. The Nazis claimed the principle of trying to destroy the Jewish people. Stalin claimed the principle of communism over capitalism. Just because you claim to have a principle doesn't mean that you're a principled person, that you are actually basing your ideas and your actions on neutral principles. I call for neutral principles. I was friends with the philosopher named John Rawls from when we were at Harvard together who always said, you decide moral issues behind a veil of ignorance. You don't know whether you're going to be a Democrat or Republican, white or black, Jewish or Christian. You have to come up with moral rules, rules of principle that would satisfy you and everybody else without regard to who you were and who you become. It's that kind of principle that I'm talking about. As the lawyer Felix Frankfurter once said, the history of liberty is largely a history of procedures. What concerns me today is that the procedures are no longer neutral. You get different due process depending on ethnic backgrounds or on religious backgrounds. A democracy is a neutral principle. Due process is a neutral principle. I'm looking for a return to neutral principles, which means sometimes you lose, sometimes you win. Tactics vs. Principles Bob Zadek: Let’s discuss the principle which itself drives the censorship. There are two topics: First, the principle. Second, The tactic. Censorship is a tactic, not a principle. It is a tactic used by those who disagree with your point of view to ensure your point of view is never expressed, and pushes it into the shadows. Now you spent a lot of time appropriately in your book on cancel culture. Let's assume, playing devil's advocate, we don't disagree with the principle. You'd still write a book criticizing cancel culture, focusing on the tactic. So help us understand why the tactic itself deserves so much attention. Alan Dershowitz: Well, for me the tactic follows the principle. The principle is that the ends do not justify the means. The principle is neutrality. The principle is fairness. The principle is due process; the principle is the adversarial system. There are two kinds of principles, you're right. There are principles like Nazism, communism, fascism, and antisemitism. Those are all claimed to be based on principles. But all of those principles have one thing in common: they won't tolerate counter-principles. They won't accept the opportunity to challenge, debate, and allow other points of view to be expressed. In the last chapter of my book about principles, I point out that just because it's a principle doesn't mean that it's right. There are wrong principles too. So for me, the focus has to be on process. You call it tactics. I call it process. In order for principled people to be able to dominate the discussion, there has to be a process. And in a democracy, the people decide subject to checks and balances and judicial review. Those are the principles I'm most interested in: the principles that deal with procedure and process and fairness and the marketplace of ideas and the hope of the marketplace of ideas. Jefferson said that as long as there are opportunities to respond, there is nothing to worry about by allowing wrongheaded ideas. What's important is that the free exchange of ideas remains open to all viewpoints. Hopefully, this will lead to reasonable conclusions. However, it doesn’t always work out. In 1930s Germany, the marketplace of ideas was initially open between 1930 and 1932, resulting in a plurality of votes for the Nazis. The marketplace of ideas was never open in the Soviet Union or China, so we can't judge those cases. We have a few examples of the free exchange of ideas leading to bad outcomes, like early 20th-century Spain and Italy. There was some degree of a marketplace of ideas and they chose fascists. So you never know who the marketplace will help or hurt, but for me, the marketplace is a principle in and of itself. Dershowitz’s Cancellation Story Bob Zadek: You share your personal experience of being "canceled" intimately with readers from the start of your book. Tell us about going through cancellation so people understand what fueled your passion for writing this book. Alan Dershowitz: Well, let me start with today. The New York Times has a lead story, and the lead story is entitled “American Jewish Leaders Active in the Debate over Israel Judicial Reform.” Well, that seems to describe me. I'm an American Jewish leader. I've been a leader of the American Jewish community for 50 years. I am the most knowledgeable American on the Israeli judiciary. I have written more articles on that subject than anyone else, but The New York Times chose not to interview me. They chose a whole bunch of people that some people have heard of, some have not. But the Times made a

    52 min
  5. 03/06/2023

    Moving California Forward with the Common Sense Party

    Our country has been governed since its founding by a two-party system. The Constitution did not establish political parties, which the founders feared. History proves their concerns were prescient, not paranoid. James Madison hoped opposing factions would counterbalance each other's power, through "ambition offset[ting] ambition." Unfortunately, it did not work out that way. Rather, one hand simply washes the other, leaving US citizens with the resulting dirty soapy water. In 1776, Thomas Paine offered the colonies 47 pages of Common Sense, which became the most widely read book of the times. Today our guest, Tom Campbell, offers us the Common Sense political party. Tom served five terms in the US Congress and two years in the California State Senate. He holds a PhD in economics from the University of Chicago and a JD magna cum laude from Harvard. He was a White House Fellow and a US Supreme Court law clerk. I'm now registered as a Common Sense Party voter – I've given up the pleasure of primary voting, but I'll sacrifice that to support the right thing politically. Read or listen to my interview with Tom and see if you’d like to join me. The Bob Zadek Show is the country's longest running libertarian broadcast – nationally streamed at 8 AM PT Sundays. Subscribe for weekly transcripts, book summaries and additional resources: Links: * Learn more and update your voter registration at CACommonSense.org * George Washington-Baneful Effects of Political Parties - Thirty-Thousand.org * Common Sense Party on Twitter Related Shows: * Alex Nowrasteh: How Prop. 187 Turned California Blue * Breaking the Two-Party Doom Loop. We know the two-party system is flawed… | by Bob Zadek | Medium * Restoring Common Sense to California | by Bob Zadek | Medium Transcript Why California Needs a Third Party Bob Zadek (01:58):Tom, welcome back to the show. Tom Campbell (02:58): Bob, it's a pleasure to be with you. I look forward to a fascinating hour. Bob Zadek (03:02): Now, Tom, you are a founder of the Common Sense Party. Now let's start with the core issue. What's the problem with a two-party system? Isn't two enough? Why do we need more? Tom Campbell (03:35): The system we have in California is two parties that have gone to their extremes. The Democrats have shifted further and further left under the influence of public employee unions and identity politics. The Republicans have shifted to the right under the support of former President Trump, almost reaching cult status. That leaves those of us in the middle with folks who cannot talk with each other. That leaves those of us in the middle without a voice in California. Since Democrats have a supermajority, they have no need to listen to anyone else. The parties retreat to their extremes, leaving the rest of us behind. We can illustrate this in a number of different policy issues. I'll choose one issue: education. We know the quality of education in public schools through high school graduation is poor. It's far below acceptable levels. And we know that to win the Democratic nomination for legislature, you need support from the California Teachers Union. They oppose charter schools and parents' ability to choose a better school than their local public school. Republicans now make up less than one-third of each legislative house, so they've become irrelevant. A possible compromise is to give higher pay to teachers in low-income schools—call it merit pay. The California Teachers Union won't allow Democrats to support that; they insist on strict seniority, like most unions. But that prevents good teachers who want more challenging assignments from being paid more. Instead, many skilled teachers become administrators so they can earn higher pay, leaving classrooms where their talents are most needed. Republicans are hesitant to increase teachers' salaries because some of that money goes to teachers' unions, which fund campaigns against Republican candidates. A compromise is to expand charter schools, giving parents the option to send their children to charter schools if that provides a better education, and to pay higher salaries to teachers in challenging areas based on performance. How the Top-Two System makes California Ripe for Third-Party Challenges Bob Zadek (06:30): Now, California, is a remarkably politically dysfunctional state. It has raised political dysfunction to high art. You noted that Republicans are now irrelevant. One could argue this happened due to political mismanagement, which we won't discuss here. The Republican downfall traces back to Pete Wilson and Proposition 187 – the immigration bill – long ago. Simply put, Republicans committed political suicide. They blew it. So let's distinguish a political party's self-destruction, where it made decisions that ruined itself, from the overall issue of opposing political parties in general. And let's understand this distinction in the context of the whole country, even though we're starting in California - rather fertile ground, I dare say. Let's argue for a third party based on the behavior and structure of the two existing parties. Then we'll show how the Common Sense Party, which recently joined another third party, makes that case nationwide. Unless this issue is specific to California. Tom Campbell (08:52): It's a solution specific to California, Bob, because California is one of only four states that have the top-two primary selection process. If you don't have a runoff process in March to determine the top two candidates who will run in November or June during non-presidential election years, then multiple candidates from various parties all run at once in November. The winner is whoever gets the most votes, even without a majority. As a result, the winner is typically a Democrat or Republican. In California and three other states, you have the chance to advance to November with only one opponent. If there's an independent candidate who reaches the November election, there's only one other candidate. Then you have a very good chance of winning. It happened in the Coachella Valley with Chad Mayes. Though he ran as an independent, he had previously been a Republican. He made it to the finals and then defeated his Democratic opponent. Every Democrat who does not have a candidate in the finals will be interested in supporting the independent. Every Republican who does not have a candidate in the finals will be interested in supporting the independent. That is why it can work in California. I'm hesitant to say that it will work elsewhere. We all know examples like Ross Perot running and likely taking votes from George H.W. Bush, or Ralph Nader running and probably taking votes from Al Gore. That is not possible if you only have two candidates in the finals in November. Fixing a Broken System Bob Zadek (10:51): Now the Common Sense Party could simply have as its mission breaking the two-party monopoly and preventing any party from monopolizing power. Or the Common Sense Party could focus on a specific platform that appeals to voters who feel unrepresented by existing parties. It’s undisputed that the Democratic Party controls education policy in California and is captive to teachers unions, not voters or their children. The unions fund the Democrats, so they shape policy to benefit the unions, not voters. So on education, the Common Sense Party would support the right policies, unlike other parties. Is the goal to represent disaffected voters or improve politics overall? Tom Campbell (12:54): It starts by improving the entire political process, then candidates will likely emerge who, hopefully, will get elected. The individual candidates in that case I mentioned of education are probably supporters of those moderate, sensible approaches. However, the institutions have to change first and here's why. It's an important but obscure point: California's campaign finance laws favor established political parties. If you're running for state legislature and have wealthy donors, you can get $4,900 from each of them. No more. However, if you ask a person, "Please donate $45,000 to the Democratic Party or the Republican Party,” and that party promises to give it to me the next day, that's legal. So if you're running with a party's support, you've got $45,000 plus $4,900. If you run without a party, you only have $4,900. Can you see why no independent candidate can win? Bob Zadek (14:11): You effectively made your point within minutes of starting the show. But what you've really emphasized, or the main point you've made regarding both examples of campaign finance laws and the Democratic Party's allegiance to teachers unions, is that they allow wealthy donors undue influence. It seems you're criticizing a system that allows wealthy donors disproportionate sway. Is part of your goal to reduce the influence of money in politics? That's a major challenge in America today, especially in California. Tom Campbell (15:10): It is absolutely my goal to decrease the influence of money in American politics. Bob, if I could accomplish only one thing, I would consider that a successful career in public policy. And the challenge in doing so is quite straightforward. The people in power benefit from the current system, so they're unlikely to change it. That's why we need a third party and a chance to elect new leaders who will go to Sacramento, reduce the Democratic majority below two-thirds, and force them to compromise. Only then might we see real campaign finance reform. I would like to propose a simple rule: If you can't vote for me, you can't donate to me. Imagine how that would work. If you're running for US Senate from California, no funds from Nevada. If you’re running for California Attorney General, gambling interests in Nevada couldn't donate. If running for LA assembly, couldn't take money from the Bay Area up north. You could only get money from the people you represent. This seems easy to explain, ut

    52 min
  6. 02/27/2023

    Taking the Lapdog Press to Task on Foreign Policy Reporting

    Today's guest, Ted Galen Carpenter, is a senior fellow for defense and foreign policy studies at the Cato Institute. He has written 13 books and over 1,100 articles on international affairs. He is a member of the Council on Foreign Relations and serves on the editorial board of the Journal of Strategic Studies. His latest book, Unreliable Watchdog, examines the empty promise of press freedom embodied in the First Amendment and offers lessons on how the press should honor its duty to inform ordinary people. Our founders could not have imagined that such freedom would be squandered by much of the press, leaving it as little more than an unquestioning mouthpiece for the political establishment. I agree with Ted's point that the press, as a business protected by the First Amendment, has certain duties that correspond with its rights and freedoms. The press should use these privilege responsibly. Overall, Ted's book delivers a powerful message: with rights come responsibilities, and the press is no exception. The Bob Zadek Show is the country's longest running libertarian broadcast – nationally streamed at 8 AM PT Sundays. Subscribe for weekly transcripts, book summaries and additional resources: Links: * Cato Institute (@CatoInstitute) / Twitter * Unreliable Watchdog | Cato Institute * Volodymyr Zelensky Is Washington's New Jonas Savimbi - Antiwar.com Original * Washington's Convenient Relationships with Dictators - Foundation for Economic Education * Why is Ukraine the West's Fault? Featuring John Mearsheimer - YouTube * Ted Galen Carpenter discusses groupthink, foreign policy, media, and Ukraine on ABC's Between the Lines | Cato Institute * Why Can't America Accept an Imperfect World? | Cato Institute Transcript Bob Zadek (00:00:00): Ted, welcome to the show. Was my opening too harsh, or did it appropriately set the tone for today's discussion? Ted Galen Carpenter (00:01:56): The title of my book, Unreliable Watchdog: The News Media and US Foreign Policy, was chosen deliberately. The press is meant to serve as a watchdog over public policy, calling attention to government misconduct and incompetence. However, the media's track record in this regard is poor and declining. Two major issues stand out: * Instead of investigating and reporting independently, journalists often act as stenographers, rephrasing and circulating government propaganda as news. * World events are frequently misrepresented in simplistic melodramas pitting "horrible villains" against "angelic advocates of freedom". The villains are always US opponents, the angels US allies - even if the angels are deeply flawed or corrupt. These twin diseases of the news media undermine its duty to inform the public. What Would the Founders Say? Bob Zadek (00:04:30): You said in your introductory comments that the press is supposed to serve as a watchdog. Where does this expectation come from? Who determined that this is the press's role? As you noted, the founding fathers' publications openly took political sides. Thomas Jefferson had his preferred newspapers, and John Adams had his. Readers expected praise for their preferred politician. The founders and the public did not expect the press to be impartial watchdogs. So, where did the idea that the press should serve as impartial watchdogs originate? Ted Galen Carpenter (00:06:18): The expectations for an adversarial press have not been met. While early newspapers were partisan, openly attacking opposing political parties, today's media largely supports the government. There is little opposition, especially regarding foreign policy and national security, where a bipartisan narrative dominates and is rarely challenged. Journalists who question this narrative face backlash from colleagues and government agencies. This shift to collusion, regardless of which party controls the White House, is the danger. Bob Zadek (00:07:38): As we discuss the state of the press today, it may be helpful to reflect on the past. Was there ever an ideal time with regard to press freedom or objectivity? In preparing for this conversation, I tried to recall major events from US history - from its founding through the Civil War, World Wars I and II, the Vietnam War, and the Spanish-American War - to identify a potential "golden age" of the press. However, I could not definitively point to one. So I ask: Can you identify a period we could view as a high point for the press to use as a benchmark against today? Having a reference point in history could provide useful context for evaluating how - or how much - the press has changed. Ted Galen Carpenter (00:08:52): We've seen periods where media narratives conflict, or "dueling biases". An ideal of perfect objectivity in the press is unrealistic. However, as the U.S. has expanded its global influence, the media has increasingly served government interests. This trend has worsened significantly. Government officials promote their agendas through a more subservient press. Journalists became disillusioned after government officials lied about the Vietnam War. This skepticism extended to other issues in the 1970s and 1980s. As in the early Republic, views were partisan - liberals criticized Reagan's policies in Central America while Republicans defended him. Though hard questions were asked and debates occurred, the Persian Gulf War ended this. Journalists again saw themselves as part of the government, as patriots supporting patriotic policies. Questioning such policies was unacceptable. Mainstream Media Influence over Foreign Policy Bob Zadek (00:10:56): When discussing freedom of the press, let's focus on foreign affairs coverage by mainstream media. By "press", I mean major news outlets like The New York Times and CNN, not just bloggers. While bloggers can attract many readers and influence discussions, for this conversation let's focus on mainstream media. How does their foreign affairs coverage impact freedom of the press? Defining our terms will help listeners follow along. Ted Galen Carpenter (00:12:23): The press has evolved over time. Originally, it consisted of pamphlets and newspapers. Magazines later joined as another medium. In modern times, radio, television, blogs, the internet, and social media platforms like Facebook and Twitter have been added. Today, these new forms of media are considered part of the press. However, traditional outlets like newspapers and television still have the greatest reach and influence on public policy. While a dedicated blogger may have thousands of readers, major news outlets can reach millions. As a result, these large entities tend to have a similar worldview and rarely challenge government officials' perspectives. Meaningful dissent is rare. Though the press now takes many forms, scale continues to impact influence. The entities with the widest reach remain the most powerful, despite changes in how people get their news. A diversity of viewpoints is still needed to best inform citizens and hold leaders accountable. Does Media Have a Special Responsibility? Bob Zadek (00:14:07): The media is fundamentally a business, like any other business in America. All American businesses only have a duty to obey the law, prescribed by our governmental system. Although we are born with the belief that the press is special, the media does not have a duty or public service obligation that companies like Amazon or Microsoft lack. The media only has a duty to obey the law, and if it fails to do so, it will be punished. Does the media have any special benefits under our legal system that come with a duty to behave differently? Or are we simply assigning one type of business a duty that we do not assign to others? Ted Galen Carpenter (00:15:40): Well, in this case of course it's a self-proclaimed duty. Journalists claim it is their duty to scrutinize policymakers and report to the public. If that is their self-declared mission, then their performance should be judged against that standard. Given the kind of simplistic propaganda that dominates the airwaves, journalism has failed spectacularly in covering defense, foreign policy, and international issues. Bob Zadek (00:16:40): The media establishes an aura of authority as reputable sources of information. As citizens, we are conditioned to trust the media's reporting. We expect journalists to uphold the founders' vision of a free press as embodied in the First Amendment and a cornerstone of our society. The press is considered a pillar of public discourse - a "fourth estate" on par with the three branches of government. However, with this esteemed status comes responsibility. If the media abuses its position by spreading misinformation or being overly biased, it violates public trust and undermines its credibility. To call oneself a journalist requires adherence to journalistic standards of objectivity, accuracy, and fairness. Is this a reasonable starting point for discussing the media's improper behaviors and how to measure and address them? The conversation could examine the roles of both the media and the public in maintaining an ethical press. Ted Galen Carpenter (00:18:11): The press claims to be essential for a free society by preventing abuses of power and the rise of dictatorships. But it’s hard to fulfill this role when it consistently allies with and serves government institutions that are gaining more power, acting secretly, and violating civil liberties. The press's failure has been most notable regarding foreign policy and national security, though not limited to those areas. Schilling for the CIA: The Church Committee Exposes the Corruption of Journalism Bob Zadek (00:19:07): In your book, you provide many examples of the press failing in its responsibility. Tell the story of a time the press misbehaved, according to your standards. Ted Galen Carpenter (00:19:45): The Senate Investigative Committee uncovered in the 1970s that over 250 prominent U.S. journalists were on the CIA's payroll.

    53 min
  7. 02/20/2023

    Government by the Unions, of the Unions, for the Unions

    Philip K. Howard is the founder of Common Good, a nonpartisan organization devoted to streamlining laws so that Americans can use sound judgment in their everyday decisions. Philip is the author of Not Accountable, which persuasively contends that public employee unions weaken our democracy and should be (and I will contend already are) unconstitutional. We'll spend the next hour making that argument. Links * The Yale Law Journal - Forum: From Progressivism to Paralysis * A New Governing Vision — Common Good * Opinion | Government Is Flailing, in Part Because Liberals Hobbled It - The New York Times, by Ezra Klein The Bob Zadek Show is the country's longest running libertarian broadcast – nationally streamed at 8 AM PT Sundays. Subscribe for weekly transcripts, book summaries and additional resources: Transcript Transcript has been edited for conciseness and clarity Bob Zadek (1:59): Philip, what caught my attention at the start of the course was the preface to your book, written by Mitch Daniels. To me, Mitch Daniels personifies the ideal leader of our country, and I was disappointed when he decided not to enter the Republican primary in 2008. How did you persuade him to write the preface to your book? Philip K. Howard (02:53): I did a number of reforms with Mitch when he was Governor of Indiana. Then, when he became president of Purdue, he asked me to give a talk to his senior staff about why they should focus on making sensible decisions day to day instead of just following a rulebook. Mitch Daniels is an extraordinary leader who focuses on how things work, such as improving the Department of Motor Vehicles in Indiana or managing public personnel. This is much more important to most Americans than abstract debates about immigration or other issues. What makes public service unions different? Bob Zadek (03:50): Now we're going to be spending most of this hour talking about a special type of organization: public sector unions. That is the focus of your book, Not Accountable. We will learn what you mean by associating the phrase not accountable with public sector unions. What makes public sector unions different than private unions.? Philip K. Howard: Everybody said, "Well, it's a union. It's always a union." In fact, the collective bargaining power of public employee unions, which only came about really in the late 1960s, was done not because there was any scandal or abuse, but because union leaders wanted more power. Whereas private unions, which were prevalent during the Progressive Era, had their origin story in factories abusing child labor and having endless work hours and horrible safety records, there was never a need for public employee unions. People thought they should just be treated fairly. But in fact, it's the difference between fish and mammals. The incentives are completely different in a trade union context like the Auto Workers Union. Both sides have a vested interest in the viability of the enterprise. If they have inefficient work rules or demand too much, the company may move out of town or go out of business, resulting in the loss of their jobs. In contrast, with public unions, you can demand anything and the government cannot move. In a private context, the private trade union, the argument is about the split between capital and labor. It's all about how to divide the profits. In the public union context, it's very limited. This is because the government can't move and officials don't pay for it. So, taxpayers have to foot the bill. Public unions  can demand anything they can get away with and taxpayers must pay. This is why FDR opposed public unions. He said collective bargaining cannot be transferred to the public sector because public employees have a sworn duty of loyalty to serve the public, not to negotiate against the public interest with inefficient work rules. There is an ethical difference here. “It is impossible to bargain collectively with the government.” – Franklin Delano Roosevelt Most importantly, trade union negotiations are an honest adversarial process, where it would be unlawful for management and labor to collude and come up with something that is not in the interest of either side. Public unions negotiations are nothing but collusion. They amass a great deal of power: they get people elected, staff campaigns, and send people in buses to knock on doors. Once the official is elected, they don't sit on the opposite side of the table; they sit on the same side. This isn't a negotiation; it's a payoff. Bad Math: How Fund Accounting Robs Future Generations Bob Zadek (08:14): You used the word "collusion," which has a criminal connotation. You didn't mean that what they were doing was illegal; it was cynical, they work together. However, neither party is breaking any laws, due to the system itself. Philip K. Howard (08:47): It would be illegal if it were done in the private sector. Bob Zadek (08:48): That's correct. But it's not collusion in the public sector. Philip K. Howard (08:52): It's not illegal, but it's dishonest. Bob Zadek (08:56): Because I'm an accountant and I love spreadsheets, I have this embarrassing personality flaw: I just love when things balance. In the private sector, financial statements—the reports to shareholders, the "voters," if you will—are published according to rules that record expenses when they are incurred and income when it is earned, not paid. This makes it harder for a private employer to spend future dollars, as the creation of that obligation will impact the current employer's performance. In the public sector, however, there is a different approach to accounting, often referred to as "fund accounting," which means expenses are only recorded when they are paid, not when they are incurred. This means an elected official can support, for example, high union pension costs that are paid in the future without incurring a deficit in their budget. I have always maintained that so much would change if municipalities and states had to use accrual basis accounting. Political officials negotiating with the union are spending a future elected official's money, which means the present political official doesn't get dinged with a deficit in their budget. Philip K. Howard (11:32): I think they did improve those accounting rules somewhat in the last decade or so. But the process is exactly as you described, which is that they come to the negotiating table and say, "What can we get?" They can’t get away with paying people hundreds of thousands of dollars in current income. So, how do they squeeze their pound of flesh out of the government? One way is by making future promises that only come due after the politician leaves office, so they won’t have to pay it. It isn’t accounted for honestly. The other way was through restrictive work rules that made the government virtually unmanageable. For example, if you wanted to move a desk, you had to negotiate it. If there was a pandemic, there was nothing in the contract about working in a pandemic or doing remote learning or teaching. It was like the spokes were disconnected from the hub—you couldn't move forward until you got union approval. A Brief History of Public Sector Unions Bob Zadek (12:37): Public service unions have been around for a while, and most people listening to this podcast were born into a world where they already existed. Examples include teachers unions, SEIU, and other public service workers unions. However, this is a relatively recent phenomenon. If our listeners are older, they may remember a time before public service unions. So, let's take a brief look at the history of how we got to where we are now, with the teachers union playing a major role in the Covid recovery and pandemic recovery efforts. Philip K. Howard (13:30): Prior to the 1960s, public unions had no collective bargaining power. They were like any other interest group, such as the National Education Association, a professional group with ideas in their self-interest, but without power over politicians. Then, Kennedy was elected and, as payback for union support, he issued an executive order authorizing collective bargaining in the federal government. A report chaired by Arthur Goldberg had looked into this beforehand, but it was largely vacuous and substance-less. In the late 1960s, unions kept agitating with state governors and parties. The civil service system, created in the late 19th century, allowed public employees to organize, and as government grew, they became more influential. New York state agreed to consider collective bargaining, and a report by labor law professor George Taylor outlined how it should work. He said that you could not give up management control and that disagreements should not be decided by arbitrators, as this would be unconstitutional. However, the law passed in exactly the opposite way, and other states, including California, followed suit. The Taylor Report also said that managers must maintain their power and that elected officials must make decisions, but the law did exactly what the report said not to do. What Makes Public Sector Unions Special? Bob Zadek (16:34): Let’s return to the question we started our show with: why are public sector unions a separate topic, not lumped in with private sector? Think back to Covid: one would think that the decision to close schools would be the result of the democratic process, if one were naive and idealistic. That's the way it's supposed to work. But, in reality, the teachers unions called all the shots. Philip K. Howard (18:04): For a long time, people have known that public employee unions are a headache and make managing government difficult. However, few understand how wasteful the system is. Approximately $2 out of every three dollars spent on personnel and related costs is wasted. This leads to a lack of accountability and a failure to fix any issues. As a result, we keep electing new people, yet nothing

    53 min
  8. American anxiety about immigration is unwarranted. Here's why.

    02/13/2023

    American anxiety about immigration is unwarranted. Here's why.

    A semester of immigration policy crammed into an hour, with the Cato Institute’s Alex Nowrasteh. Follow my on-going series, “Make Immigration Legal Again,” debunking populist misconceptions about immigration: Links * The Legalism Fallacy, Alex Nowrasteh’s Substack * Immigrant and Native Consumption of Means-Tested Welfare and Entitlement Benefits in 2020 | Cato Institute, January 31 * Immigration - 2022 CATO HANDBOOK FOR POLICYMAKERS * Wretched Refuse? The Political Economy of Immigration and Institutions by Benjamin Powell * Bob Zadek immigration series “Make Immigration Legal Again” Bob Zadek: Alex, you presented the legalism fallacy as an impediment to the nation's conversation about immigration. Please explain if you would. Alex Nowrasteh (02:59): The legalism fallacy is the assumption that a policy is good simply because it is legal. In the context of immigration, this means that people focus on the prevalence of illegal immigration, but do not address the underlying causes of why people are coming to the country illegally. Instead of considering what can be done to make immigration more legal, the assumption is that the law is right and any debate about what policy should be is silenced. Bob Zadek (03:58): As an example, the 18th Amendment to the Constitution made drinking alcohol illegal. Nobody believed prohibition was a really good idea simply because it was a law. Slavery was legal. The law is neither good nor bad per se—it's good or bad if it complies with our view of what society and life in our country should be like. In this case, immigration fails miserably. What's wrong with the law regulating immigration now? The Constitution says very little about immigration. It lists as the power to establish a uniform rule of naturalization. That's it. “Uniform” is the opposite of immigration policy today. Congress has abdicated its power and doesn't want to go near it. The President from time to time steps into that quagmire and stretches executive powers to fill the void in what Congress has failed to do. Give us a very broad picture on what passes for immigration policy today. Alex Nowrasteh (07:38): There are two big parts of immigration law. The first part is naturalization—who can become a citizen. That is clearly within the power of Congress. The other part is who can come here to live or work, not become a citizen. The Constitution is silent on that. Beginning in the later part of the 19th century, Congress started to pass laws restricting the peaceful movement of people to the United States even if they didn't want to become citizens. Since then, this body of laws has grown through successive congresses and executive actions to be the second most complicated portion of American law. The only portion more complicated is that of the income tax according to many law professors who study this topic. The general starting principle of American law and immigration is that nobody is allowed to come here except for a handful of people who fit into very specific categories that Congress has established. In every other area of law, we think everything is legal except for a few things that are specifically spelled out as illegal in the law. Immigration is the opposite. Everything is illegal except the few things that the government says is legal. If you're a foreigner who has an immediate relative or a close family member in the United States, it's relatively easy to come here. The government sets aside about 140,000 green cards a year for highly skilled workers and their family members. It sets aside about 50,000 green cards a year through a lottery system that is very complicated and only applies to some people. And then it sets aside some refugees and asylum seekers—usually about 100,000 to 200,000 per year. On top of that, there are a large number of different types of visas for low skilled temporary workers, for others. But the overall effect of this is to create a highly restrictive system that is under an enormous amount of government control and oversight with a bloated bureaucracy that costs Americans and immigrants an enormous amount of time and money to navigate. U.S. immigration law blocks out the vast majority of people who want to come here lawfully. In the days of Ellis Island, 2% of people were sent back from Ellis Island, and it was called the Isle of Tears. Nowadays, only around 5% of people who want to come here are able to apply and do so in the first place. It is far, far worse than anything we've experienced in American history. The Severity of Modern Immigration Restriction Bob Zadek (10:44): So in the late 19th century, we started to enact legislation for the first time to limit immigration. What you left out is that the adjustment was done out of racial animosity—the ugliest of motives. That attitude continues through today. The first regulation of immigration policy was the Chinese Exclusion Act. We didn't like having so many Chinese. Expand on the ugly motives drive immigration Alex Nowrasteh: In 1882, Congress passed the Chinese Exclusion Act, which was followed by an agreement in 1906 that blocked Japanese immigrants from the US. In 1917, laws were passed barring African and Asian immigrants. From 1921 to 1924, Congress passed two laws that imposed severe restrictions on Southern and Eastern European immigrants, mainly to keep out darker-skinned Italian and Greek immigrants, as well as Eastern European, primarily Jewish immigrants. Labor unions also pushed for immigration restrictions to protect their workers in the US. The early 20th century saw a rise in American nationalism and a belief that some ethnicities, religions (mainly Jews) and Asians would not be able to assimilate into American society and were thus subject to immigration restrictions. This was mainly due to the popular eugenics movement of the time, which strongly influenced the laws and ended the period of free immigration. It is an unfortunate truth that much of our current immigration policy is rooted in racial and ethnic bias. While the discussion often focuses on the impact of immigrants on the US, we must not forget the rights of the immigrants themselves. All humans have the right to travel and seek a better life for themselves and their families. We must not deny them the opportunity to improve their circumstances, and instead consider policies that will both protect their rights and serve the interests of the American people. It doesn’t get discussed. Alex Nowrasteh (17:15): That's right, it's not discussed at all how severe these restrictions are. For example, a Mexican immigrant can increase their income by a factor of three, a Guatemalan by a factor of six, and a Haitian by a factor of 10, taking into account cost-of-living adjustments. These policies are having a devastating effect on the future potential and incomes of people who wish to leave their countries but are unable to do so, and constitute a gross violation of their human rights. Essential Liberty is a reader-supported publication. To receive new posts and support my work, consider becoming a free or paid subscriber. How Immigration Makes Americans Richer Bob Zadek (19:03): Lest anything think that Bob is proposing a wealth transfer from those already living in the country to immigrants, I am proposing the opposite - wealth creation. I want to dispel the concept that immigrants take away jobs from those already living in the country. People don't have a right to a job, but instead a right to try to get a job and to maintain it. Help me explain how increasing the number of immigrants will not only increase their own wellbeing, but will also not be at the expense of those already living in the country. Alex Nowrasteh (21:07): The economy is not a fixed pie. Immigrants increase the size of the economic pie; they create more goods and services, and they create opportunity. Immigrants have different skills than native born Americans, so they're not competing so much as they are complimenting each other. It generally bumps up Americans’ wages and productivity. Native-born Americans take higher-paying jobs due to their better English communication skills. Together, the two groups create more productivity, resulting in higher wages and productivity for native-born Americans. Immigrants are also twice as likely to start a business, leading to more job opportunities. Ultimately, the presence of immigrants leads to an increase in the size of the economic pie, and benefits everyone. The Founders Abhorred Immigration Restrictions Bob Zadek (23:55): Immigrants don't have the same privileges as native-born Americans due to the accident of their birth. The founding generation rejected the British system of peerage and nobility from birth, which was important enough to be included in the Constitution. Alex Nowrasteh (25:44): In the Declaration of Independence, one of the complaints against King George III was that “He has endeavoured to prevent the population of these States; for that purpose obstructing the Laws for Naturalization of Foreigners; refusing to pass others to encourage their migrations hither, and raising the conditions of new Appropriations of Lands.” One of the complaints of the founders was that the British didn't allow the American colonies to increase immigration. How far we have fallen. Today, American politicians who claim to support the Constitution support immigration restrictions that our ancestors rebelled against. “He has endeavoured to prevent the population of these States; for that purpose obstructing the Laws for Naturalization of Foreigners; refusing to pass others to encourage their migrations hither, and raising the conditions of new Appropriations of Lands.” – Declaration of Independence Bob Zadek (26:30): Alex, how should policy balance what's good for the country and immigrants? A decade ago, I was naive and thought "let them all in." But a poll in India showed 80 million

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About

Bob talks about the issues that affect our lives on a daily basis from a purely libertarian standpoint. He believes in small government, fewer taxes, and greater personal freedom. America has lost its way, but it cannot and does not need to be reinvented. Our founders were correct about their approach to government, as were John Locke, Adam Smith and the other great political philosophers who influenced them. The country’s first principles are economic and social freedom, republicanism, the rule of law, and liberty. Bob believes we must take the best of our founding principles and work from them because a country without principles is just a landmass. www.bobzadek.com

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