Clallam County Watchdog

Jeff Tozzer

Holding County Leaders Accountable www.ccwatchdog.com

  1. 9 HR AGO

    Reopening the Elwha: A Community-Led Path Forward

    In this Sundays With Seegers, Clallam County Commissioner candidate Jake Seegers lays out a clear case for restoring Olympic Hot Springs Road—and invites the community to take action. With tourism revenue declining, access restricted for over a decade, and no clear federal timeline, this is a grassroots effort to unite residents, support local businesses, and demand accountability. The petition starts here—but the movement belongs to all of us. The Road That Built a Gateway—And the Silence That Followed For generations, the Elwha River entrance to Olympic National Park wasn’t just a road—it was a lifeline. Fifteen minutes from downtown Port Angeles, Olympic Hot Springs Road connected families, small businesses, and visitors to one of the most unique corridors in the entire park system. It was how people experienced the park’s interior—filling local restaurants, keeping lodging booked, and enticing visitors to stay longer as they ventured deeper into Olympic National Park. And then it was gone. Flood damage following the removal of the Glines Canyon Dam washed out sections of the road. That was more than a decade ago. Since then? Promises. Meetings. Timelines that came and went. Construction was once projected to begin in 2021 and finish by 2023. We’re now years past that—and still no road, no access, and no clear plan. The Cost of Inaction Clallam County is not just any county—it’s a rural economy surrounded by federally managed land. More than half of our land base lies within Olympic National Park. Instead of generating property tax, it supports our economy through tourism. That means access matters—it is not optional, it is foundational. And yet: * Tourism spending declined from $300.7 million in 2018 to $284.4 million in 2023 * Inflation rose 26.4% over that same period * Population growth has effectively stalled at 0.65%, compared to 4.6% statewide That’s not just data—that’s pressure on families, on small businesses, and on public services. When one of the park’s most heavily used entrances—77,665 vehicles in 2014, the third busiest in the park—remains closed indefinitely, the impact is real. Access Is Not a Luxury—It’s the Mission The National Park Service was created with a dual mandate: protect resources and ensure their enjoyment by present and future generations. Olympic National Park’s Elwha Valley entrance is one of the few corridors that provides meaningful access to the park’s interior wilderness. Closing Olympic Hot Springs Road for over a decade without a clear path forward isn’t balance—it’s abandonment. And that’s where the community comes in. Writing Our Own “Letter of Support” For too long, we’ve waited for action to come from the top down. This effort flips that model. Instead of waiting for another agency letter, another delayed timeline, another round of silence—we are creating our own. A petition. A unified voice. A direct request to: * The Department of the Interior * The National Park Service * The Federal Highway Administration * Washington’s congressional delegation * State leadership The ask is simple and reasonable: * Prioritize restoration of Olympic Hot Springs Road * Expedite planning, permitting, and funding * Establish and release a clear, public timeline This isn’t about politics. It’s about access, accountability, and economic survival. A Moment to Come Together This is bigger than one road. It’s about how a rural community responds when systems stall. It’s about choosing to act instead of waiting. It’s about recognizing that solutions don’t always start in government offices—they often start with people willing to stand up and say, this matters. And right now, this matters. Join Us—Starting Next Friday We’re taking this effort directly to the community. 📍 Find us at the Clallam County Watchdog booth at the Sequim Logging Show🗓 This Friday and Saturday You’ll be able to: * Review the petition * Sign in person * Ask questions * Be part of shaping the next step This will remain a focused effort through June—a sustained push to make sure our voices are heard where decisions are made. “Never doubt that a small group of thoughtful, committed citizens can change the world; indeed, it's the only thing that ever has.” — Margaret Mead Call to Action: Download, Print, Share We’re asking you to take it one step further. Download the petition template.Print it.Share it with your neighbors, your coworkers, your community. Collect signatures. Start conversations. Be part of the solution. Mail completed petition forms to: Jake Seegers131 E 1st Street, Suite 403Port Angeles, WA 98362 Because this is our chance—not just to reopen a road—but to demonstrate what happens when a community refuses to sit on the sidelines. We’re not waiting for a letter of support. We’re writing it ourselves. Full Petition This is the Statement of Request that will be sent in June, accompanied by signatures. PETITION TO RESTORE OLYMPIC HOT SPRINGS ROAD AND REOPEN THE ELWHA RIVER ENTRANCE TO OLYMPIC NATIONAL PARK Statement of Request We, the undersigned citizens and supporters of Clallam County, respectfully petition the Department of Interior, National Parks Service the Federal Highway Administration, Washington’s congressional delegation, the Washington State legislature and other relevant public officials to: 1. Prioritize and advance the restoration of vehicle access to the Elwha River entrance of Olympic National Park; 2. Expedite all planning, permitting, environmental review, and funding necessary to begin reconstruction; and 3. Establish and publicly release a clear course of action and firm timeline for reconstruction of Olympic Hot Springs Road; 4. Restore this vital public access corridor in recognition of its economic, recreational, and public-use importance to Clallam County and future generations. Supporting Facts Whereas: * Clallam County is an economically challenged rural county heavily dependent on park-related tourism. More than half of Clallam County’s land lies within Olympic National Park, and tourism is critical to local businesses, county revenues, and public services. * Tourism spending has declined while costs have risen. Visitor spending in Clallam County fell from $300.7 million in 2018 to $284.4 million in 2023, while regional inflation rose 26.4%, compounding economic strain. * Continued inaction has harmed both public access and the local economy. Failure to rebuild the road has restricted access to the park interior, harmed tourism-dependent businesses, and undermined economic opportunity in Clallam County. * The U.S. Department of the Interior’s Order No. 3434 emphasizes coordination with gateway communities. Renewed engagement with local tribes, municipalities, inholders and Clallam County to establish a clear path forward for restoring Olympic Hot Springs Road is consistent with that order. * The Elwha River entrance was one of Olympic National Park’s most important access points. Before closure, the Elwha entrance ranked as the third most-trafficked entrance in the park, recording 77,665 vehicles in 2014, and supported local restaurants, lodging and retail; * Public access to the Elwha Valley has been severely limited for more than a decade. Since damage to Olympic Hot Springs Road, no meaningful progress has been made toward restoring vehicle access, despite earlier indications construction could begin in 2021 and be completed by 2023; and * Restoration of Olympic Hot Springs Road is consistent with the National Park Service’s obligation to provide for the public’s enjoyment of park resources. Reopening this corridor would restore access to a vital public resource and support present and future generations. Petition Declaration By signing below, I support this petition and urge federal and state officials to take prompt action to restore Olympic Hot Springs Road and reopen the Elwha River entrance. Editor’s Note: CC Watchdog editor Jeff Tozzer also serves as campaign manager for Jake Seegers during his run for Clallam County Commissioner, District 3. Learn more at www.JakeSeegers.com. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.ccwatchdog.com

    27 min
  2. 3 DAYS AGO

    A Photo You Can’t Ignore—and a Policy You Can’t Measure

    A single image—one child, one beach, one bottle filled with used needles—cuts through the policy debates and forces a simple question: after years of harm reduction policy in Clallam County, where are the measurable results? As officials point to compassion and isolated success stories, residents are left confronting a very different reality—one that can’t be explained away with anecdotes. This Image Hits Hard Not a report. Not a policy memo. Just a moment frozen in time. A four-year-old girl stands on a beach in Clallam County, holding a Gatorade bottle—inside it, used hypodermic needles. It’s like a gut punch. Minutes earlier, she had been running barefoot along the shoreline, doing what kids are supposed to do in places like this. Now she’s holding something no child should ever have to make sense of. Look at her expression. It isn’t curiosity. It’s uncertainty. Maybe even fear. That’s the part that lingers—the collision between innocence and something entirely out of place. You can have endless debates about policy approaches, intent, and long-term outcomes. But moments like this cut through all of it and force a simpler question: What are we allowing into the shared spaces that families trust to be safe? Beaches—especially ones as remote and beautiful as this—should never become informal dumping grounds for drug paraphernalia. Whatever someone’s position is on harm reduction, there’s a line where the consequences spill outward—onto families, onto children, onto communities that had no say in carrying that burden. And that’s why this image matters. Because it communicates, instantly and unmistakably, what pages of data and reports often fail to capture. What Jake Seegers Saw This wasn’t theoretical. It wasn’t secondhand. It happened here. County Commissioner candidate Jake Seegers posted this after the incident involving his daughter: That location matters. Shipwreck Point isn’t an urban corridor. It isn’t a dense encampment zone. It’s exactly the kind of place people assume is still untouched. The Official Narrative Put the image aside for a moment and look at the argument County Commissioner Mark Ozias is making. His column isn’t just a defense of harm reduction. It’s a framework for how the public is supposed to understand what’s happening in Clallam County. He starts by looking outward—toward Congress, toward federal funding cuts, toward national housing pressures. The message is clear: the root causes of what we’re seeing locally are largely beyond local control. If things feel worse, it’s because the system above us is breaking down. From there, he turns to the County’s response. Harm reduction, he argues, is not just a choice—it’s the right choice. It’s grounded in data. It’s proven. It works. And then, instead of showing that through local results, he shows it through stories. People who got help. People who stabilized. People who are grateful. That combination—external blame, moral framing, and anecdotal success—is powerful. It reassures. It explains. It defends. But it also does something else. It insulates the policy from being measured in a straightforward way. The Claim: “Ample Data”—But Not Here Commissioner Ozias leans on the idea that harm reduction is supported by “ample data.” But none of that data is presented in a way that tells Clallam County residents what they actually want to know: Is it working here? There are no local performance metrics in the column. No trendlines tied to the program. No baseline comparisons. No measurable outcomes tied to cost, participation, or long-term success. That absence matters. Because if a policy is working, especially one that has been in place for years, there should be clear, local evidence of that success. Instead, what the public sees is something harder to reconcile: Overdose deaths that rose dramatically over the past decade. Public disorder that remains visible. Environmental impacts—like discarded needles—showing up in places that were once considered removed from all of this. The question isn’t whether harm reduction can work in theory. It’s whether it is producing measurable results here. And that question goes unanswered. Anecdotes as a Substitute for Accountability The most compelling part of Ozias’ column is also its weakest from a policy standpoint. The stories. They’re real. They matter. But they are not a substitute for data. Because without context, they don’t tell you how often those outcomes happen—or how many people never reach them. One example describes someone who stabilized after two years of support. That may be a success. But it also raises questions the column doesn’t address: How many people enter the system each year?How many achieve that outcome?How many cycle back through?What does it cost to get one person there? Those are not hostile questions. They are basic governance questions. And they’re missing. The Timeline: When Does “Proven” Mean Proven? Harm reduction isn’t new in Clallam County. It’s part of a broader approach that has been evolving for well over a decade—alongside earlier commitments, including what was framed as a 10-year plan to end homelessness. That was sixteen years ago. At some point, a strategy described as “proven” has to demonstrate that proof locally, not just philosophically. If years of implementation don’t produce clear, measurable improvements in outcomes, then the question isn’t whether the idea is sound. It’s whether the execution is working. Or whether something needs to change. The Missing Link: Homelessness and Addiction There’s another gap in the County’s approach that Ozias’ column reflects rather than resolves. Clallam County has consistently avoided drawing a clear connection between homelessness and addiction. They are discussed as overlapping issues, but rarely treated as directly linked drivers of one another. That separation shapes policy. It allows strategies to focus on housing in one lane and substance use in another, without fully addressing how intertwined they are on the ground. And when that connection isn’t clearly acknowledged, it becomes easier to define success in narrower terms—program engagement, service delivery, individual stories—without confronting whether the overall system is reducing addiction or stabilizing the population experiencing it. Redefining Success Read closely, and you can see how success is being reframed. Not as fewer overdoses.Not as fewer people living unsheltered.Not as measurable reductions in addiction. Instead, success is described in terms of connection, trust, and gratitude. Those things are meaningful. They matter in human terms. But they are not outcome metrics. And when process replaces outcome, it becomes difficult to determine whether a policy is actually solving the problem it was designed to address. What Residents Measure While the County talks about philosophy, residents measure something else. They measure what they see. They see needles in public places. They see encampments in sensitive areas. They see environmental degradation where restoration money has already been spent. And now, they see those impacts reaching even further—into places that were once assumed to be untouched. That gap—between what is being described and what is being experienced—is where trust starts to erode. Why the County Isn’t Pivoting At some point, every policy approach faces a test. Not whether it was well-intentioned. Not whether it aligns with a broader philosophy. But whether it is producing results. So why isn’t there a shift? Because the current framework makes a pivot difficult. Responsibility is pushed upward, toward federal policy. The local response is framed as both compassionate and evidence-based. And criticism is often met not with counter-data, but with stories that reinforce the moral case for continuing as-is. That combination creates stability—not necessarily in outcomes, but in the narrative itself. And when the narrative is stable, even in the face of mixed or unclear results, change becomes less likely. The Core Question Strip everything else away, and the issue becomes simple. You have a long-running strategy. You have leadership saying it works. And you have a public that is still seeing visible, unresolved problems. So the question isn’t ideological. It’s operational. What are the measurable outcomes of Clallam County’s harm reduction strategy—and why aren’t they being clearly presented? Until that question is answered with data—not anecdotes—it’s going to keep coming back. Because the public doesn’t just want to understand the policy. They want to know if it’s working. And that brings it full circle. Back to a beach that should have been one of the safest places in the county. Back to a moment that didn’t require explanation or interpretation. A young girl, holding a bottle filled with used needles. That’s not a statistic. It’s not a case study. It’s not an anecdote offered to support a policy. It’s a result. And if the County wants to make the case that its approach is working, it has to be able to explain moments like that—not with philosophy, not with stories from somewhere else, but with clear, measurable answers. Because until then, that image isn’t just powerful. It’s a question that hasn’t been answered. “Facts do not cease to exist because they are ignored.” — Aldous Huxley Reminder: Meet Marcia Tonight Tonight is your chance to meet an Independent running to represent our 24th Legislative District. Meet Marcia Kelbon at an informal meet-and-greet this evening—no speeches, no pressure, just a chance to connect and ask questions. 📍 Event Details * 📅 Tonight * ⏰ 5:00 PM * 📍 Barhop Brewing & Artisan Pizza * 🍺 Grab a beer * 🍕 Enjoy a slice of pizza * 🤝 Casual conversation & Q&A * 🌐 www.electmarci

    34 min
  3. 4 DAYS AGO

    Sequim Council Backs Tribal Takeover of Wildlife Refuges

    On Monday night, the Sequim City Council approved a Jamestown-drafted letter backing a refuge transfer—despite unanimous public opposition. Federal filings show the Jamestown Corporation opposes added restrictions and favors a streamlined trust process, leaving future access and use subject to change. And there’s a local precedent: land once open to the public was transferred into tribal trust with expectations of continued access—only to be closed later. In the podcast: Highlights from yesterday’s County Commissioners’ Forum. On Monday night, despite every public comment opposing it, the Sequim City Council approved a letter of support for transferring two national wildlife refuges into tribal control—a letter drafted by Jamestown S’Klallam CEO Ron Allen. Every citizen who spoke said no.The Council said yes anyway. And they didn’t just approve any letter—they approved one written by the very entity that stands to benefit from the transfer. A Decision Already Written? The Council’s vote effectively endorsed a proposal to shift ownership of the Dungeness and Protection Island National Wildlife Refuges into trust for the Jamestown S’Klallam Tribe. Supporters frame this as stewardship. Partnership. Cultural restoration. But beneath that language is a legal transformation most people never hear about. When land moves into federal trust for a tribe, it no longer functions as public land in the traditional sense. It is not governed the same way. It is not subject to the same local oversight. And critically—it is not guaranteed to remain open to the public. That’s not rhetoric. That’s federal Indian law. “No Conditions” Means Exactly That While reviewing federal filings connected to tribal land acquisition policy, one section stands out—and it should give pause to anyone concerned with public access and accountability. In its comments to the Bureau of Indian Affairs, the Jamestown S’Klallam Tribe pushes back on added restrictions, expanded state and local involvement, and what it characterizes as unnecessary procedural hurdles. The theme is clear: streamline the process. But “streamlining” in this context means reducing layers of review, limiting outside input, and minimizing opportunities for challenge—resulting in fewer constraints on how land is ultimately acquired and managed. The Tribe’s position emphasizes minimizing barriers, limiting external influence, and preserving tribal authority once land is taken into trust. Not layered with conditions.Not subject to ongoing outside control. But structured in a way that prioritizes flexibility after acquisition. Consider what that means in practice. If there are no binding conditions—and no mechanism for continued oversight—then assurances made during the approval process, whether about public access, environmental protections, or shared use, may not necessarily govern how that land is managed in the future. We Don’t Have to Guess—We Have an Example If this feels abstract, it shouldn’t. Because we’ve already seen how this plays out. At Madrona Point, a culturally significant site on Orcas Island, land was returned to the Lummi Nation with an understanding that it would remain accessible as open space under a memorandum of understanding with San Juan County. For a time, it was. Then, in 2007, the site was closed indefinitely. Public access ended. The reason cited: protection of the land and concerns about misuse. Whether one agrees with that decision or not isn’t the point. The point is this: the public no longer has access to land it once believed would remain open. And there was little recourse when that decision was made. From Public Refuge to Sovereign Control Now bring that reality home to Clallam County. The Dungeness and Protection Island refuges are not just parcels of land. They are federally managed ecosystems, open to the public, governed by established rules, and held in trust for all Americans. Transfer them into tribal trust, and the framework changes: * Public access becomes discretionary—not guaranteed * Local governments lose influence or standing * Federal wildlife management structures can be replaced or reshaped * Future land use decisions may occur without public process And if the Tribe’s own stated position holds—that these transfers should carry no conditions—then there is no enforceable mechanism to preserve the current use of the land. Where Was Clallam County? Here’s a question that hasn’t been answered: When the Jamestown S’Klallam Tribe submitted its position to federal regulators in 2018 advocating for no-conditions land transfers, where was Clallam County? Did anyone formally object?Did anyone request safeguards?Did anyone push for binding guarantees to protect public access? Because if they didn’t, then this moment didn’t start Monday night. It started years ago—with silence. The Council’s Vote—and What It Signals By approving a letter drafted by tribal leadership, the Sequim City Council didn’t just take a position. It signaled alignment. Alignment with a policy framework that explicitly favors unrestricted control after acquisition.Alignment with a process that bypassed public opposition.Alignment with a future where these lands may no longer function as public spaces. And they did it without demanding conditions. Without requiring guarantees. Without securing protections. The Question That Matters If these refuges are transferred, and access changes…If use shifts…If the public is told, years from now, that things are different… What recourse will there be? And why didn’t anyone ask that question before signing the letter? The Sequim City Council had a choice on Monday night. Listen to the public—or ignore them.Demand conditions—or accept none.Represent the people—or defer to power. They made their choice. Now the public has to live with it. “When plunder becomes a way of life for a group of men in a society, over the course of time they create for themselves a legal system that authorizes it.” — Frederic Bastiat Today’s Tidbit After more than an hour of public comment, the William Shore Memorial Pool Board unanimously voted to reinstate its shower voucher program for transients—despite concerns about how and where those vouchers are actually being distributed. Staff stated vouchers are limited to St. Vincent de Paul and Clallam County Health and Human Services, where they are reportedly handed out through the Harm Reduction Health Center. Those vouchers are printed in batches of 200 at a time—raising additional questions about tracking, control, and how widely they may be circulating. But multiple public commenters challenged that claim saying vouchers have also surfaced at places like the library and community meal sites—with no apparent oversight or accountability. Board members expressed little concern over that discrepancy. Critics reminded the board that showers already exist at Serenity House of Clallam County—an actual shelter—while the Shore Aquatic Center is a public facility used by families and children, not a designated shelter space. Supporters of the program countered that eliminating vouchers was inhumane and stigmatizing. In a pointed moment, resident Mitch Zenobi circulated a sign-up sheet inviting supporters to host individuals in their own homes for showers. No one signed. Now, the board will spend the next month reviewing possible changes—ranging from adjusted hours to rebranding the effort as a “community hygiene program.” The vote was unanimous. Those in favor of continuing the shower voucher program—distributed through the same site where free drug paraphernalia is provided to addicts—included: * County Commissioners Mike French and Randy Johnson * Port Angeles City Councilmembers LaTrisha Suggs and Mark Hodgson * Community member Greg Shield The question now isn’t just about access—it’s about oversight, boundaries, and who these public spaces are ultimately being designed to serve. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.ccwatchdog.com

    47 min
  4. 5 DAYS AGO

    The OlyCAP Illusion: Public Money, Private Boards, and the Expanding Homelessness Industry

    A question at a public town hall exposed a troubling reality: Commissioner Mike French claims he is “required” to sit on OlyCAP’s board—but that requirement appears to be one he imposed on himself. See how taxpayer dollars flow through nonprofits like OlyCAP, where millions go toward staffing and operations, and where elected officials often sit on boards tied to that funding. With parallels from Jefferson County, it highlights a system where influence, public money, and limited transparency intersect—raising a critical question: is this solving homelessness, or sustaining it? There are moments in public events where the carefully managed narrative slips—just for a second—and something real comes through. At a recent public safety town hall, that moment came from someone who has seen the system from the inside. John De Boer is not an outsider throwing stones. He’s a formerly homeless resident, someone who serves on the county’s Homelessness Task Force and has even managed shelters. When he spoke, it wasn’t theoretical. He described the system with a bluntness that clearly made people uncomfortable: “We’ve reached the point where the money is doing more harm than good… Homelessness became big business… it became a racket.” Then he asked the question that exposed a contradiction sitting in plain sight: Would Commissioner Mike French consider resigning from either his elected role—or his position connected to the nonprofit system receiving public funds? French’s first response was unequivocal: “I do not serve on any nonprofit boards.” But when DeBoer followed up—“What about OlyCAP?”—the answer shifted: “I am required to serve on the Board of OlyCAP.” That word—required—became the foundation for everything that followed. Because when you start pulling on it, the entire explanation unravels. The “Requirement” That Isn’t After the meeting, a follow-up request was sent asking a simple question: What law, policy, or mandate requires a Clallam County Commissioner to serve on the OlyCAP board? French’s answer was revealing—and deeply problematic. He pointed to a county resolution assigning commissioners to various advisory boards, explaining that he is “required” to serve because the Board of Commissioners directed him to do so. Read that carefully. He is required… because the board he sits on told him to be. There is no federal statute requiring Mike French to sit on OlyCAP’s board. There is no Washington State law mandating that the District 3 Commissioner hold that position. There is no external authority compelling his service. Instead, the board created the assignment—and now cites that assignment as a requirement. That isn’t a legal mandate. It’s circular reasoning. At best, it’s a convenient mischaracterization. At worst, it’s a deliberate attempt to deflect scrutiny from a system that doesn’t hold up well under it. What OlyCAP Actually Is OlyCAP—Olympic Community Action Programs—is a federally recognized Community Action Agency. On paper, it exists to provide services: rental assistance, energy support, early childhood programs, housing stabilization, and senior meals. And to be clear, it does provide those services. But the scale and structure of the organization matter just as much as the mission. In 2024, OlyCAP reported: * Nearly $700,000 in rental assistance * Thousands of individuals receiving utility and housing aid * Programs spanning both Clallam and Jefferson counties At the same time, the organization reported something else that deserves just as much attention: * More than $5 million in staffing costs—its single largest expense. Even local officials noticed the imbalance. One Jefferson County Commissioner described the salary figure as “remarkable,” questioning how much of the funding is actually reaching people versus sustaining the organization itself. And that’s where the conversation shifts—from what OlyCAP does to what the system incentivizes. Because when the majority of funding flows toward staffing and administration, the system begins to behave differently. It begins to require scale. Continuity. Expansion. It begins to require the problem to persist. The Structure Nobody Talks About OlyCAP operates under what’s called a “tripartite board” model, required for Community Action Agencies receiving federal block grants. That structure includes elected officials, private sector representatives, and community members. On its face, that sounds like balanced governance. In practice, it creates something far more complicated: Elected officials—like Mike French—sit on the board of a nonprofit organization. That nonprofit relies heavily on government funding. Those same elected officials are part of the bodies that influence, allocate, or advocate for that funding. And because the organization is technically a nonprofit—not a government agency—it is not subject to the same transparency requirements. No public records laws.No direct voter accountability.No obligation to operate in the open. That’s the loophole. NGOs are described as “non-governmental,” but in reality, many are almost entirely government-funded, government-influenced, and government-connected—without being government-accountable. It is where public money goes to pursue policy agendas that would be far more controversial if handled directly by elected bodies. And once that structure is in place, it becomes very difficult to untangle. The Jefferson County Precedent If this dynamic sounds theoretical, it isn’t. Just across the county line, a nearly identical situation unfolded involving Jefferson County Commissioner Greg Brotherton—who also served as Chair of the OlyCAP Board. A formal complaint filed with the Washington State Auditor documented a pattern that should sound familiar: * Brotherton served on OlyCAP’s board while acting as a county commissioner * He participated in decisions awarding millions of dollars in public funds to OlyCAP * He advocated for additional funding, infrastructure investment, and land transfers benefiting the organization Between 2019 and early 2022 alone: * $2.7 million in contracts and grants were awarded to OlyCAP * An additional $928,000 in public land value was transferred or dedicated to the organization The complaint didn’t just focus on the money. It focused on influence. Washington law—RCW 42.23—does allow what’s called a “remote interest” in certain cases, such as serving on a nonprofit board without compensation. But that exception comes with a critical limitation: If the official influences or attempts to influence decisions involving that organization, the protection disappears. And the documentation shows repeated instances of exactly that: * Advocating for an additional $500,000 in funding for an OlyCAP project * Pushing for continued infrastructure investments * Participating in votes approving those expenditures Even fellow commissioners raised concerns during those discussions, asking whether the spending would ever stop. The State Auditor ultimately concluded there was no violation—because no direct financial benefit to Brotherton could be proven. But that conclusion hinges on a narrow interpretation: No paycheck = no conflict. It ignores the broader issue: Power, influence, and control over public funds don’t require personal compensation to matter. The Pattern Now return to Clallam County. Mike French sits on the OlyCAP board. He participates in a system where: * Public funds flow to nonprofit organizations * Those nonprofits operate with limited transparency * Elected officials help shape both the funding and the governance And when asked about it, he claims his role is “required.” Not by law. Not by statute. Not by external authority. But by a resolution passed by the very body he serves on. That’s not accountability. That’s insulation. The Homelessness Industry What John DeBoer described as a “racket” is better understood as a system with aligned incentives. Government funding increases →Nonprofits expand to administer it →Staffing grows →Programs multiply →The need for continued funding becomes essential And because NGOs sit outside direct government oversight, they provide the perfect vehicle: * Public money goes in * Policy is carried out * Accountability becomes diffused No single entity owns the outcome. And when outcomes don’t improve, the answer is almost always the same: More funding. More programs. More expansion. Rarely less. The Question That Still Hasn’t Been Answered Strip away the language, the programs, the mission statements—and one question remains: Why are elected officials sitting on the boards of organizations that rely on funding that those same officials help direct? This isn’t about whether it’s allowed.It’s about why the system is set up this way in the first place. Because it puts the same people on both sides of the equation—helping guide public money, while also helping oversee where it goes. That overlap blurs responsibility.It shifts decisions into spaces with less transparency.And it weakens accountability. Once that structure is in place, it doesn’t correct itself. It reinforces itself. Final Thought OlyCAP is not the only organization operating this way. It is simply one of the clearest examples. The issue isn’t whether services are being provided. They are. The issue is whether the system delivering those services is structured in a way that prioritizes outcomes—or perpetuates itself. When a commissioner says he is “required” to sit on a board because he helped create the requirement, it tells you something important. Not just about him. But about the system he’s part of. And systems like that don’t correct themselves. They expand. “The nearest thing to eternal life we will ever see on this earth is a government program.” — Ronald Regan Stay Engaged Today

    40 min
  5. 6 DAYS AGO

    UNDER OATH: Jim Stoffer’s Own Words Raise Serious Questions

    In a federal civil rights case, former Sequim School Board Director Jim Stoffer testified under oath about hiring decisions, internal conflicts, sexual harassment allegations, and closed-door governance. His own words reveal a pattern of deflection, reliance on rumor, and failure to act—raising urgent questions about the leadership still shaping local education and politics. The Olympic Herald deserves real credit here. They didn’t summarize, spin, or selectively quote—they published the full, sworn deposition of Jim Stoffer, taken October 18, 2022, in a federal lawsuit against the Sequim School District. When you strip away press releases, talking points, and carefully crafted public statements, what remains is testimony under oath. And in that setting, Jim Stoffer didn’t just stumble—he exposed how decisions were actually made inside the Sequim School District. You can read the full deposition here. What you’ll find is not reassuring. “Rumors in the Community”… and Still a Green Light One of the most revealing portions of the deposition centers on the hiring of former Superintendent Rob Clark. Stoffer acknowledges that before Clark was hired, he received warnings—unsolicited, informal, but unmistakable. A colleague told him there were “rumors in the community” and advised caution. Another suggested Clark might not be a good fit. These weren’t anonymous internet comments; these were professional contacts tied to the education system. And what did Stoffer do with that information? Nothing meaningful. He didn’t press for details. He didn’t delay the process. He didn’t demand deeper vetting. He didn’t even treat it as a red flag worth resolving before handing over leadership of the district. Instead, he rationalized it away. Small communities have rumors, he explained. People have agendas. You can’t chase everything down. So the board moved forward. That’s not just hindsight criticism. That’s Stoffer’s own explanation, under oath, for why warnings were ignored during one of the most consequential decisions a school board can make. Mandatory Reporting—Known, Acknowledged, and Apparently Not Enforced The deposition takes a more serious turn when the discussion shifts to allegations of sexual harassment within the district. Stoffer is clear about one thing: he understands mandatory reporting requirements. He acknowledges that anyone in a leadership position—especially a superintendent—is trained on them and expected to act. He even states plainly that Rob Clark should have reported certain allegations. And yet, when pressed on whether those obligations were actually met, the answers become vague. Responsibility is diffused. Details are absent. The issue is framed as something handled through legal channels, executive sessions, or internal processes. At one point, Stoffer admits the board relied heavily on legal counsel and executive session discussions—settings that are, by design, shielded from public scrutiny. What’s left is a troubling gap: leadership that knows the rules, acknowledges the stakes, but cannot—or will not—clearly demonstrate that those rules were followed. Executive Sessions: Where the Answers Go to Disappear Throughout the deposition, Stoffer repeatedly retreats behind the same phrase: executive session. Key decisions? Executive session.Personnel issues? Executive session.Investigations? Executive session. He states outright that he cannot discuss what happened in those settings because it is “privileged.” Legally, that may be true. But from a public accountability standpoint, it creates a black box. Decisions affecting students, staff, and taxpayers were made behind closed doors, with the public left to trust that everything was handled appropriately. And based on what’s revealed in the deposition, that trust was not earned through transparency or rigor. Off the Record: Meetings at a Veterinary Clinic One of the most striking admissions in Stoffer’s deposition isn’t about policy or personnel—it’s about where discussions were happening. Under oath, Stoffer acknowledges that board-related conversations took place outside official settings, including at a local veterinary office. “Yes.” (when asked if meetings occurred at a veterinary clinic) “It was more of a conversation… not a formal meeting.” “We would talk about things… but not make decisions.” That distinction—conversation versus decision—is doing a lot of work. Because in public governance, especially at the school board level, the issue isn’t just whether a formal vote occurred. It’s whether deliberation, influence, and consensus-building were happening outside the public’s view. And by his own testimony, they were. These weren’t chance encounters in a grocery store aisle. These were repeat interactions, in a private location, involving board members discussing district matters—away from agendas, minutes, and public oversight. When combined with Stoffer’s repeated reliance on executive session to shield details, it paints a consistent picture: Important conversations happening either behind closed doors… or completely off the record. For a district already dealing with allegations, internal conflict, and legal exposure, that kind of parallel decision-making environment doesn’t build trust. It erodes it. A District at War With Itself If the hiring decisions and reporting failures weren’t enough, the deposition also paints a picture of a district consumed by internal conflict. Stoffer describes a divided environment where staff, board members, and community voices clashed—often publicly. Social media became a battleground. Allegations and counter-allegations circulated. Board meetings grew contentious enough to require relocation due to crowd size and tension. He acknowledges monitoring social media activity and expresses concern about how staff behavior online was impacting district culture. At the same time, he describes receiving anonymous emails and letters, unsigned complaints, and coordinated messaging efforts from groups within the community. And then there’s the “Six Pack.” Stoffer confirms the term refers to a group of interconnected families—individuals with ties to district employees and internal dynamics. He stops short of formally assigning them authority, but acknowledges their presence, their coordination, and their role in shaping the environment around key decisions. This is not the picture of a stable, student-focused institution. It’s a system pulled in multiple directions, with leadership struggling—or unwilling—to assert control. “I Trusted the Superintendent” Perhaps the most consistent thread throughout the deposition is Stoffer’s reliance on one justification: trust. When asked why he didn’t intervene more forcefully, investigate more thoroughly, or challenge decisions more directly, the answer comes back to trusting the superintendent. He trusted Rob Clark to handle personnel issues.He trusted internal processes to address complaints.He trusted that things were being managed appropriately. But that raises a fundamental question: if the board’s role is oversight, what does it mean when oversight is replaced with trust? A school board is not a ceremonial body. It is the governing authority responsible for hiring, evaluating, and—when necessary—holding the superintendent accountable. In this case, Stoffer’s own testimony suggests that responsibility was, at times, deferred rather than exercised. Settlements, Allegations, and Limited Awareness The deposition also touches on complaints that led to legal action and settlements. Stoffer acknowledges awareness of these issues at a high level but repeatedly distances himself from specifics. He references legal fees, board agendas, and general outcomes, but claims limited knowledge of the underlying facts—again pointing to executive sessions and legal counsel as the gatekeepers of information. In other words, the board member helping govern the district knew there were serious issues—but not necessarily the details behind them. That’s not a reassuring model of governance. And Yet—Still in Positions of Influence This is where the deposition stops being a historical document and becomes a current concern. Jim Stoffer is not an unknown figure. He remains connected to the very systems this community relies on—education leadership, county government through the Charter Review process, civic engagement, and local political structures. The same judgment displayed under oath—the willingness to overlook red flags, defer responsibility, and rely on opaque processes—doesn’t simply disappear. It carries forward. The Takeaway There’s a tendency in situations like this to look for a single smoking gun—a moment where everything clearly went wrong. That’s not what this deposition shows. What it shows is something more subtle, and arguably more concerning: a pattern. A pattern of: * minimizing warnings * avoiding deeper inquiry * relying on closed-door discussions * and defaulting to trust instead of verification All of it laid out not by critics, but by Jim Stoffer himself, under oath. Read It. Decide for Yourself. The Olympic Herald has made the full deposition available without filters or edits. If you care about how decisions are made in your school district—and who is making them—take the time to read it. Because once you do, it becomes much harder to pretend this is business as usual. “If you tell a lie big enough and keep repeating it, people will eventually come to believe it.” — Joseph Goebbels Today’s Tidbit: Investigated, Cleared… and Closed As part of ongoing concerns about conduct, boundaries, and political influence within Sequim School District programs, a formal request was submitted asking the district to investigate whether adults affiliated with the Mock Trial program were improperly involving stu

    37 min
  6. 26 APR

    Signgate 2026

    A $30,000 complaint over yard signs. A front-page story within 48 hours. And a campaign scrambling to fix a rule change it didn’t know existed. In this Sundays About Seegers, we break down how a minor compliance issue turned into “Signgate 2026”—and what it reveals about politics, media priorities, and the uphill battle facing independent candidates in Clallam County. Thursday marked a turning point in the race for Clallam County Commissioner, District 3. Incumbent Commissioner Mike French formally announced he’s seeking another four-year term. That same day, his opponent, Jake Seegers, was notified that a complaint had been filed with the Washington State Public Disclosure Commission (PDC)—one that seeks up to $30,000 in fines. That number sounds serious. It’s meant to. But what the complaint is actually about tells a very different story. The Reality Behind the Complaint The issue isn’t hidden money, undisclosed donors, or anything resembling corruption. It’s yard signs. Specifically: * The size of the disclosure font * The absence of the word “Independent” * The lack of a full campaign address That’s it. A formatting issue. And yes—the campaign’s signs were out of compliance. The rules changed in 2024, and Jake’s campaign manager didn’t catch it. That’s the honest answer. Campaigns, especially independent ones, don’t have compliance teams or legal departments combing through every update buried deep within state websites. But here’s what matters: the moment it was brought to Jake’s attention, he acted. New, fully compliant signs are already in production. In early May, you’ll see us out across the county replacing existing signs and making sure everything meets the current standards. We may even ask the community for help identifying locations of smaller yard signs so we can swap those out quickly and efficiently. That’s how this is supposed to work—identify the issue, fix it, move on. What’s unusual isn’t the mistake. It’s the response. Who Filed the Complaint The complaint was filed by Paul Pickett, with supporting documentation provided by Jim Stoffer. Both are not just politically engaged citizens—they are Precinct Committee Officers within the Clallam County Democratic Party. Pickett is also a contributor to the party’s monthly publication, Clallam Democrats Rising, where he recently published a glowing piece highlighting Commissioner Mike French’s accomplishments. Taken together, the complaint wasn’t a casual observation from a passerby. It came from within the local political structure, directed at a candidate running outside of it. And instead of a quick call, an email, or even a courtesy heads-up—something that would have resulted in the same correction—Jake’s campaign received a formal complaint to the state, paired with a request for tens of thousands of dollars in fines. That tells you something. The Media Moves Fast—Sometimes Jake was notified of the complaint on Thursday morning. By midday, the Peninsula Daily News was already reaching out for comment. By Friday afternoon, the story was live online. By Saturday morning, it was on the front page of the print edition. By midday Saturday, the Peninsula Daily News had posted it to Facebook. It’s fair to ask: where else do we see that level of urgency? * It took eight days for the PDN to report on the fatal daylight assault of Richard Madeo in downtown Sequim—despite an unprovoked public killing and active calls from law enforcement for witnesses * The PDN never reported on a rash of Improvised Explosive Devices placed around the county last September, including on school grounds and highway overpasses * Public records reveal the paper was aware of the Dungeness River levee breach that nearly caused a mass-casualty event, where even the Tribe acknowledged “loss of human life would be a real possibility” and “helicopters would circle the devastation and speculate on the number of dead” * Recently, the PDN refused to publish a letter to the editor from Jake Seegers about unsanctioned camping in the Tumwater Creek watershed, rejecting it solely because he is a candidate, even though it never mentioned his campaign—denying him a voice as a private citizen But a yard sign compliance issue? That’s immediate. That’s prominent. That’s front page. A Question of Standards The irony doesn’t stop with the complaint or the coverage. Within that same political ecosystem are individuals in leadership roles—like Tim Wheeler, a Trustee on the Executive Board within the local Democratic Party, and Lisa Dekker, a Precinct Committee Officer—both of whom have been publicly documented engaging in vandalism on Department of Natural Resources land. These weren’t minor infractions. The damage cost taxpayers thousands to repair and involved deliberate defacing of public property. And yet—no coordinated outrage. No rapid-response reporting. No front-page treatment. No calls for accountability from the CC Democrats. No demands for fines from Pickett and Stoffer. But a yard sign with the wrong font size? That becomes a $30,000 issue, elevated and amplified almost immediately. So it’s worth asking the obvious question: Are the standards consistent—or are they selective? What the PDC Record Actually Shows If you take a step back and look at PDC enforcement across Clallam County, a clear pattern emerges. Most complaints are not about corruption or deception—they’re about technical compliance. The kind of issues that get corrected, not prosecuted. * Anders Tron-Haukebo — Late/inaccurate campaign finance reporting * Randy Johnson — Missed required post-primary financial report * Phyllis Bernard — Late and incomplete reporting, clerical errors * William Purser — Missing sponsor ID on ads, reporting gaps * Mark Ozias — Late/inaccurate campaign finance reporting * Mark Hodgson — Late campaign finance filing * Mark Nichols — Improper timing of campaign fund usage * Jeff Tozzer - Incomplete expense detail Serious violations—the kind involving deception or intentional concealment—are rare. Which makes this situation stand out not because of the violation itself, but because of how aggressively it’s being pursued. So it’s worth asking: were any of these cases on the front page of the local paper within 48 hours? Why This Matters For most people, politics already feels out of reach. This kind of environment only reinforces that. If you’re an independent candidate without party backing, without paid staff, without institutional support, this is what you step into: * Your signs get slashed and stolen * Your mistakes—no matter how small—are escalated * And the system moves quickly when it’s aimed in your direction Jake’s campaign was built with challenges like this in mind. It’s been run deliberately lean—no mileage reimbursements, no paid campaign manager, and no spending that isn’t necessary or effective—so when something like this comes up, there’s the flexibility and resources to respond quickly and do it right. Because eventually, something like this does come up. More Than a Sign If this first week of a competitive race shows anything, it’s that this campaign is going to be about more than personalities. One side will focus on process, compliance, technicalities, and distractions.The other will focus on spending, accountability, transparency, and the direction of the county. And underneath all of it is a broader question about how power operates locally—who gets scrutiny, who gets a pass, and how quickly the machinery turns depending on who you are. Bottom Line The signs will be fixed. But “Signgate 2026” was never really about the signs. It’s about the system that turned a correctable mistake into a headline—and that tells voters about the landscape heading into this election. Because if this is how it starts, it’s worth paying attention to what comes next. “This sign regulation is an example of a local and state government that has embraced ineffective, unnecessary, and burdensome laws and codes that are breaking the governed. Citizens are fed up. We need leaders who will fight for common sense, not defend insanity.” — Jake Seegers Today’s Tidbit: The “Independent Problem” in Clallam County Scroll through the comments on local political posts—like these from Indivisible Sequim—and you start to see something deeper than just support or opposition to a candidate. You see a pattern. Not just here, but nationwide, more voters are drifting away from traditional party lines. Democrats and Republicans alike are increasingly disillusioned with their own parties. And yet—when it comes time to choose—it’s remarkable how often people still fall right back into the same binary thinking. Take one comment that says it all: disappointment in an incumbent, paired immediately with the conclusion that he’s still the “best option.” That’s not an evaluation of policy. That’s not a comparison of ideas. That’s instinct. That’s familiarity. That’s party gravity pulling people back in. And that’s the hurdle. In places like Sequim, the stigma attached to being labeled a Republican is real. In Port Angeles, it’s more mixed. On the West End, the dynamic shifts again. But across all of Clallam County, one thing remains consistent: once a label is attached—“R” or “D”—it becomes the lens through which everything else is judged. Even when someone runs as an independent. You can see it plainly in the language:“Fake Independent.”“Wolves in sheep’s clothing.” Those aren’t policy critiques. Those are identity attacks. And they reveal something important—how difficult it is for ideologically anchored groups to evaluate candidates outside of party affiliation. That’s the trap Clallam County is in. We’re not debating solutions to local problems—we’re filtering people through nat

    37 min
  7. 23 APR

    Clallam County Doesn’t Need Parties. It Needs Independent Thinkers.

    Clallam County has always been a place where voters think independently. Red one election, blue the next—never locked in, never predictable. But something feels different lately. When party leadership openly aligns with radical ideological activists, it raises a simple question: are local voters still in charge, or are they being led somewhere they never intended to go? At a recent county commissioner meeting, there was a moment that said more than any speech or public comment ever could. Tim Wheeler—an out and proud communist, longtime activist, and co-founder of the Sequim Good Governance League—sat with his arm around Ellen Menshew, Chair of the Clallam County Democrats. This isn’t about suggesting anything personal. It’s about what that image represents. Wheeler isn’t some unknown figure. He’s been involved in local politics for decades. He’s protested, organized, and, at times, crossed lines that most people in this county would expect come with consequences. He was filmed taking part in actions that caused thousands of dollars in damage to public lands in an effort to delay a timber sale—revenue intended to support schools, hospitals, fire districts, and other services that this county constantly struggles to fund. He’s also someone who proudly identifies as a communist. And seated beside him, within his warm embrace, is the head of the local Democratic Party. That matters. Clallam County isn’t a deep-blue stronghold or a deep-red county. It’s about as purple as it gets. For years, it was known as a bellwether—accurately reflecting the national mood election after election. That only happens in places where voters don’t blindly follow party lines. People here think for themselves. Or at least, they used to. Independents Are Taking Over—For a Reason Across the country, more voters are walking away from both major parties. Gallup and Pew have both shown that independents now make up the largest political bloc in America. That’s not because people stopped caring. It’s because they started paying attention. If you’re reading CC Watchdog, chances are you’re not the type to just accept what you’re told. You look at documents. You question decisions. You want to see the receipts before forming an opinion. That’s independence. And it’s exactly what this county needs more of right now. The Double Standard Problem Here’s where things start to break down. The same groups and individuals who regularly call for accountability, demand adherence to the law, and push for “community standards” seem to look the other way when it comes to their own allies. Damage public property? No problem.Delay projects that generate needed tax revenue? That’s activism.Deliver DNR markers to Olympia and face no consequences? Move along. There’s a different standard depending on who you are and what you believe. People notice that. And it chips away at trust. Local Issues, National Scripts At last week’s Public Safety Town Hall, that disconnect showed up again. Commissioner Mike French leaned heavily into national talking points—housing first, harm reduction, higher taxes, expanded government programs. Whether you agree with those ideas or not isn’t the issue. The issue is that Clallam County isn’t a national talking point. It’s a real place with real problems that don’t fit neatly into party platforms. When decisions start coming from ideology instead of results, you lose the ability to adjust when something isn’t working. And right now, a lot of things aren’t working. Why Independence Matters (Even When It’s Hard) Being independent isn’t easy. There’s no party machine backing you up. No built-in voter base. No easy shortcut for people scanning a ballot and picking a letter next to a name. You actually have to do the work—read, listen, question, engage. But that’s also the reward. You’re not being told what to think. You’re figuring it out yourself. And in a county like this, that matters. An Invitation to Think Differently There’s an event coming up that’s absolutely worth your time: 📅 Thursday, April 30th⏰ 5:00 PM📍 Barhop Brewing & Artisan Pizza – Port Angeles You’ll have a chance to meet Marcia Kelbon. She’s running as an Independent for the 24th Legislative District following Steve Tharinger’s retirement. She’s not running on party talking points. She’s running to represent Clallam, Jefferson, and Grays Harbor counties as they are—not as a national party says they should be. Many of you heard her speak at the Public Safety Town Hall. She talked about how addiction has affected her own family. It wasn’t political. It was real. Jake Seegers will be there, too. It’s not a rally. It’s a chance to meet people who are willing to think independently and have real conversations about local issues. The Bottom Line Clallam County works best when voters aren’t locked into a party—when they’re willing to question, adapt, and expect more from the people they elect. And when those leaders won’t adjust, it’s up to the voters to. That’s how you hold people accountable. That’s how you avoid being pulled too far in any direction. Because when the chair of a major political party is comfortable cozying up to a self-described communist activist, it’s fair to stop and ask: Is this really where the county wants to go? And if the answer isn’t clear, that’s probably a sign it’s time to step outside the party lines and start thinking independently again. “Let us not seek the Republican answer or the Democratic answer, but the right answer.” — John F. Kennedy Today’s Tidbit Thomas Frizalone, 64, was arrested Saturday and booked into the Clallam County Jail on assault with sexual motivation. According to the New York State Sex Offender Registry, Frizalone’s listed address is in Sequim. His history is not minor. In 2000, he was convicted in connection with the 1998 sexual assault of an 8-year-old girl. Based on that conviction, New York classified him as a Level 3 sex offender—the highest risk category, reserved for individuals considered most likely to reoffend. That designation carries lifetime requirements: full public listing, address verification every 90 days, and broad community notification protocols. These offenders face strict limitations on where they can live and work, particularly around children. Here’s the concern. Despite being listed as a Level 3 offender in New York—with a Sequim address—Frizalone does not appear on Washington’s public sex offender registry in Clallam County, where individuals of this risk level are typically expected to be visible and monitored. Now he’s in our jail on new allegations. Clallam County has seen this pattern before—out-of-town offenders arriving, committing crimes, and placing additional strain on already stretched local resources. Law enforcement, courts, and taxpayers are left to deal with the consequences. Just one week ago, at a packed Public Safety Town Hall with more than 170 people in attendance, Commissioner Mike French was one of only three in the room who said he feels safer today than he did four years ago. Cases like this raise a simple question: Safer for who? This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.ccwatchdog.com

    30 min
  8. 22 APR

    Shine a Light, Become a Target

    A candidate is threatened. A local advocate has her home targeted. Behind it all is a pattern: an activist network, publicly funded nonprofits, and a system that resists scrutiny while ignoring the people footing the bill. County Commissioner candidate Jake Seegers received a message through his campaign website this week: “I’m going to do everything within my power not to get you elected.” The sender was Alexandria Fermanis. This isn’t just another political message. Fermanis previously worked at Peninsula Behavioral Health (PBH). Now, Fermanis is employed at Olympic Peninsula Community Clinic (OPCC)—an organization intertwined with local leadership. Commissioner Mike French serves as OPCC’s immediate past president. This is the same Fermanis who publicly mocked the shooting of a political figure. And who, in another post, wrote to someone online: “I hope your kids turn out to be homeless junkies.” Now she’s part of a system tasked with helping people struggling with addiction. That contradiction isn’t abstract. It goes directly to the question of judgment, professionalism, and who is being empowered in publicly funded roles. When Speaking Up Comes With a Cost What’s happening to Jake isn’t isolated. Stacey Richards—a local advocate documenting environmental damage and conditions around places like Tumwater Creek—recently received a message that crossed a clear line. A Facebook user sent her a photo of her home, marked with a location pin: “This you?” When she pushed back, the message escalated: “So you won’t mind if I post this everywhere you’ve been posting all your hateful crap?” That’s not civic engagement. That’s intimidation. The Network Behind the Pressure Fermanis isn’t operating in a vacuum. She’s part of what many residents increasingly recognize as an “activist class”—a small but influential group that shows up, speaks loudly, and maintains access to decision-makers. This is the same circle that has: * Publicly celebrated or excused destructive behavior * Delivered stolen Department of Natural Resources markers to Olympia and posed for photos * Faced no visible consequences for actions that would draw penalties for others And yet, they continue to be heard. They continue to be platformed. They continue to influence the conversation. Public Money, Private Standards At the center of this is funding. Clallam County commissioners are writing the checks—millions of dollars flowing into NGOs like Peninsula Behavioral Health and OPCC. Within those organizations are numerous six-figure salaries, funded directly or indirectly by taxpayers. And yet: * Where are the measurable outcomes? * Where are the performance benchmarks? * Where is the accountability tied to funding? Instead, what the public sees is a system where money continues to flow, oversight remains limited, and leadership often deflects when questioned. This isn’t just a funding issue. It’s a governance issue. A System That Pushes Back Clallam County is now in its 16th year of a “10-year plan” to end homelessness. Spending has increased. Outcomes have worsened. As more residents begin documenting conditions and asking why, the response hasn’t been transparency. It’s been resistance. And increasingly, intimidation. What Jake and Stacey Represent Jake Seegers and Stacey Richards are not backed by institutions. They’re not part of the network. They’re asking questions, documenting what they see, and pushing for answers. That should be welcomed in a functioning system. Instead, it’s making them targets. Because what they represent isn’t just criticism—it’s accountability. And accountability threatens a structure where: * Public dollars flow with limited scrutiny * Activists gain influence without consequence * Leadership avoids hard questions The Reality This is the network your county is funding. A network where someone who once wrote “I hope your kids turn out to be homeless junkies” can hold roles tied to addiction outreach. A network where activists can cross legal and ethical lines and face little consequence. A network where those asking questions are met not with answers—but with pressure. The Question That Matters This isn’t just about one candidate or one advocate. It’s about what happens when speaking up comes with a cost. When intimidation replaces dialogue. When public funding continues without public accountability. So the real question is: If this is how the system responds to scrutiny, who benefits from keeping it this way? “The people who are the most affected are often the least informed—and that’s not by accident.” — Erin Brockovich Today’s Tidbit: Free? Not Even Close. Drive into Sequim from the west and you’ll see the sign: “From storytime to job training: All free at your Library.” It sounds nice. It feels right. It’s also not true. There is nothing “free” about the North Olympic Library System. It is funded overwhelmingly by taxpayers—nearly 90% of its operating budget comes directly from the public. And now, voters are being asked to approve another $3 million annual increase, pushing total collections to roughly $7.8 million per year—a 63% jump. We’re talking about four library branches serving Clallam County—yet the operating budget alone is now approaching what the county spends on policing. Add in millions more in recent capital spending, and you’re looking at a system that continues to grow while demand for services wanes. This isn’t about whether libraries matter. It’s about honesty. Calling it “free” shifts the burden out of sight—onto property owners already dealing with rising costs, repeated levy requests, and a county that keeps coming back to the well. Every time. Every year. So when you see that sign, understand what it really means: You’re paying for it. Your neighbors are paying for it. And now they’re asking you to pay even more. Ballots are out. Make sure yours is in the mail or a dropbox. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.ccwatchdog.com

    42 min

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Holding County Leaders Accountable www.ccwatchdog.com

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