The Rule of the Majority Must Be Restrained

Choi Hoon
The author is a senior columnist at the JoongAng Ilbo.
Winning an election gives a government the right to rule. That is the basic principle of democracy - rule by the majority. But when those in power reinterpret laws to serve their interests and mobilize every legal tool available to consolidate control, democracy begins to erode. The judiciary, a traditional obstacle to political dominance, is "reformed" to be more efficient - in other words, more compliant. Public broadcasting, the nation's voice, is filled with loyal and submissive figures who echo the administration's code. Parliament remains open, and every decision appears legal because it follows procedural votes. Critics are dismissed as obstructionists, and if they persist, they are branded as reactionaries resisting reform.

This model of "legal electoral dictatorship" is embodied by Viktor Orbán, Hungary's prime minister, who has reshaped the concept of majority rule in the 21st century. A far-right populist and close ally of Donald Trump, Orbán built his power by winning four consecutive elections between 2010 and 2022, leading his Fidesz coalition to repeated two-thirds majorities - enough to amend the constitution at will. His governing creed is simple: "In politics, anything is possible."
Orbán's first targets were the courts and the media. In 2014, his government expanded Hungary's Constitutional Court from 11 to 15 judges, filling the new seats with loyalists. He also changed the appointment process from a parliamentary system to one controlled by the government. His next move was to oust Supreme Court Chief Judge András Baka, a respected jurist who had spent 17 years at the European Court of Human Rights. Orbán inserted a new clause requiring at least five years of domestic judicial experience to serve as chief justice - a change that legally disqualified Baka.

He then revised media laws to ban "biased, insulting or morally offensive" reporting, imposing fines of up to $900,000. A pro-government media council, packed with loyalists, fined dozens of outlets and denied license renewals to critical broadcasters. More than a thousand journalists lost their jobs. In 2022, the European Parliament declared that "Hungary is no longer a democracy but an electoral autocracy."
The administration of President Lee Jae Myung has been in office for 142 days. Stock markets are rising, and relations with Japan have improved. The president has also emphasized field visits and communication. Yet unease persists over what some call an "excess of majority." The source lies in the ruling party's hard-line minority.
The Democratic Party, which holds a dominant majority in the National Assembly, is pushing to overhaul the judiciary. Lawmakers have targeted Supreme Court Chief Justice Jo Hee-de and Judge Ji Gui-yeon, citing an unverified claim that Jo said he would "handle the case" if President Lee's election law appeal reached the top court before Presidential election. No evidence has surfaced to support the accusation. Nonetheless, the ruling party is seeking to expand the number of Supreme Court justices from 14 to 26, establish a special tribunal, and allow constitutional petitions against court rulings - measures critics say are politically motivated.
The party also passed legislation reshaping governance at public broadcasters. The number of KBS board members rose from 11 to 15, with nine now appointed by professional and civic groups such as employees, viewers, lawyers and academics, while six remain tied to parliamentary parties. The reform also mandates equal labor-management representation on programming committees. Opposition lawmakers argue the new system allows progressive unions and civic groups to dominate public broadcasting permanently.
Meanwhile, the ruling bloc has revived plans to amend the media arbitration law to allow massive damages for "fake news." Yet who decides what counts as "fake?" Even President Lee has expressed reservations, warning...