Lazar Focus

The Times of Israel

Diplomatic correspondent Lazar Berman explores what's behind the news that spins the globe

  1. -3 j

    Israel should worry about Saudi deal, but there is good news in Lebanon

    Welcome to The Times of Israel's Lazar Focus. Each Friday, join host diplomatic correspondent Lazar Berman for a deep dive into what's behind the news that spins the globe. Even for Israeli standards, it's been a pretty wild week in Israel's neighborhood. The ceasefire war between the US and Iran continues to escalate. The threats from US President Donald Trump against Iran grow ever more bombastic, but there is a real feeling that he might carry out a significant attack soon that goes well beyond the limited strikes that we have seen over the past two weeks. Of course, Iran is hitting back, primarily at Kuwait, Bahrain, and Jordan, saying it is targeting US bases in those countries. The Iran-backed Houthis struck two Saudi oil tankers, as that conflict begins to heat up. Houthi threats to the Bab al-Mandeb would mean the Iranian axis is closing the two waterways connecting the Middle East and Europe to Asian markets. There was slightly better news to the north. After six rounds of direct talks and an agreement that envisions peace between Israel and Lebanon, Lebanese forces began moving into the first pilot zone vacated by Israeli forces. Joined by Times of Israel colleague Nava Freiberg, Lazar made sense of the interconnected but distinct theaters that Israeli leaders and citizens are paying close attention to. He explained what Iran is trying to do with its attack on Arab countries. It is determined to impose its reading of the MOU on the world, especially as it comes to control over the Strait of Hormuz. That is why it hasn't hit Israel. Iran knows that Israel, Lazar said, isn't about to run to Trump and ask him to give in to Iran's demands to get it stop firing. Instead, Israel would relish the opportunity to carry out some of the attacks that it had to call off in April, and would likely go well beyond what the Americans are doing. It doesn't make sense for Israel to go out of its way to get involved either. For now, Iran is being degraded, it isn't getting economic relief, and Trump is becoming increasingly frustrated with his Iranian interlocutors.  Meanwhile, life is fairly normal in Israel, with flights returning to Ben Gurion Airport and citizens focusing on the election fight. Lazar also shed light on alternative energy pathways being developed in the wake of Iranian threats to the Strait of Hormuz. Israel might have an opportunity to be key element of some of these plans, but it has to change the tenor of relations with some of its Arab partners. Lazar explained why the Saudi-US nuclear deal is a problem for Israel. First of Israel, it shows that Israel is not being consulted by the White House on strategic decisions. In addition, it represents a potential proliferation risk, especially if the current regime in Riyadh is replaced. Turning to Lebanon, Lazar said that progress on the first pilot zone is undoubtedly a positive step. Still, the Lebanese army is incapable of taking on Hezbollah at this stage, and a lot will have to happen before disarming Hezbollah is a likely outcome. It will be important to help the Lebanese government show the public that negotiations with Israel achieve results, especially the return of some civilians to their homes. Lazar Focus can be found on all podcast platforms. This episode was produced by Gabriella Jacobs and video edited by Ari Schlacht. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

    Israel should worry about Saudi deal, but there is good news in Lebanon
  2. 17 juil.

    Nicholas Carl: US and Iran are now in the Battle of Hormuz

    Welcome to The Times of Israel's Lazar Focus. Each Friday, join host diplomatic correspondent Lazar Berman for a deep dive into what's behind the news that spins the globe. The ceasefire war between the US and Iran continues to expand. Instead of making do with a wildly favorable memorandum of understanding signed by US President Donald Trump, Iranian leaders want more -- especially recognition of their control over the vital Strait of Hormuz. Nicholas Carl, assistant director for the American Enterprise Institute's Critical Threats Project, said that the current fighting should be understood as the next stage in the US-Iran war -- namely, the Battle of Hormuz. Carl noted that the US and Israel achieved extensive military success in their campaign against Iran's ballistic missiles, nuclear program, conventional forces, defense industry, and leadership. But that military success has not been translated into enduring strategic success. "We haven't compelled the Iranians to accept a positive political outcome for us yet," said Carl. "They're still willing to fight." The Iranians came dangerously close to imposing their will on Trump, and winning the war, he argued, as the president halted the campaign and signed an MOU that came under withering criticism even from his allies. Iran is now trying to make its victory permanent, said Carl, and is working to press its advantage and end the war with its maximalist demands met. Iran is seeking to destabilize energy markets sufficiently to convince Trump that ongoing war is too costly, both economically as well as politically, and that he should accept a permanent agreement that is even more advantageous to Iran. If the war ends with Iran receiving significant financial relief and in formal control of Hormuz, he said, it will have won the war. That would certainly contribute to regime stability, but it is impossible to predict how long it will last. Something must give, argued Carl -- either the regime or the people. The regime might fall under ongoing cycles of mass protest. But it could also become even more repressive, turning into a Middle Eastern North Korea. Alternatively, it might fracture into ethnic enclaves, much like Syria. Carl said the reported Mossad plan to install former Iranian president Ahmadinejad as the leader of a new Iran is a bit far-fetched in terms of its chances for success. On the US-Israel partnership, there are certainly new forces in American politics challenging the relationship, but both countries must recognize that they're stronger together against actors like Iran. In the meantime, he said, the war between the US and Iran "is going to keep on going until one side has outlasted the other." Lazar Focus can be found on all podcast platforms. This episode was produced by Gabriella Jacobs and video edited by Ari Schlacht. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

    Nicholas Carl: US and Iran are now in the Battle of Hormuz
  3. 10 juil.

    Eyal Hulata: What’s next in the fight against Iran

    Welcome to The Times of Israel's Lazar Focus. Each Friday, join host diplomatic correspondent Lazar Berman for a deep dive into what's behind the news that spins the globe. A few short weeks ago, US President Donald Trump signed a memorandum of understanding with Iran that was widely panned, especially in Israel. The bizarre agreement met none of the US or Israel war aims, extracted no concessions from Iran, and even gave it effective control over the fighting in Lebanon. Predictably, the MOU hasn't led to anything like peace. This week, Iran launched attacks on civilian ships in the Strait of Hormuz, leading to US strikes, followed by Iran launching drones and rockets at Kuwait, Bahrain, and Jordan. Is the Trump MOU dead? If it's not, how should Israel ensure that its goals are met, even if returning to war in the short term is not possible? And what does this mean for Israel's fight against Iranian proxies on its borders? Dr. Eyal Hulata, a veteran of Israel's security services, served as National Security Adviser in the previous government under Naftali Bennett and Yair Lapid. As the figure who led Israel's inter-agency effort to confront the Iranian threat, Hulata is uniquely positioned to discuss Israel's long fight against the Islamic Republic. He said that Israelis should be proud of the effectiveness and accomplishments of the two air campaigns against Iran, which pushed back the Iranian nuclear program significantly. However, said Hulata, as long as the regime controls Iran, it will be almost impossible to solve the Iranian problem. Even though the US and Iran failed to topple the regime, Hulata stressed that the country is being led by new figures, and it is too early to say whether they will be more hardline than their predecessors. Regardless of the disappointing way the campaign ended, Hulata noted, what is important now is to look toward the next phase of the struggle against the Iranian threat. Iran's military and defense industry were badly degraded, but those achievements will be temporary if they are not followed up by ongoing pressure, sanctions, and intelligence operations. Israeli intelligence must remain intensely focused on Iran's nuclear sites, he said, in order to detect any attempts to return to nuclear enrichment. Israel will have to respond to such a development, Hulata emphasized. Ballistic missiles will continue to not only be a threat to Israel, but also to Iran's Arab neighbors. Israel must ensure that Iran's missile stockpile doesn't become too large for Israeli multi-layered air defenses, said Hulata. Any deal reached between Trump and Iran, even if that is unlikely, must not give Iran anything they don't have right now, said Hulata. Iran has not been able to enrich uranium for over a year, he noted, and should not be given permission to do so in an agreement. However, Iran will not make any concessions unless they are pressured into doing so, Hulata emphasized. "We shouldn't buy into this narrative that they have won in this military conflict," said Hulata. "They've suffered unprecedented amounts of of of damage, direct losses and indirect losses. The only way that they can recover from this is through the waivers that an American president will give them in exchange for a negotiated agreement." "This is why it is important that this negotiated agreement demands substantial outcomes," he continued. "Otherwise will be just kicking the can down the road and this will not be good in the long term." Turning to Lebanon, Hulata said the agreement signed with Beirut is the right approach, though Israel should not give anything up that compromises its security. The Lebanese government understands the Hezbollah threat, he said, but lacks capacity. In order for it to succeed, Beirut needs to commit to pushing back militarily against Hezbollah, with the firm backing of international partners. At the same time, Iran's financial support for Hezbollah must be cut off. On Syria, Hulata said that while Ahmed al-Sharaa is a jihadist, he shares the Israeli interest in reducing Iran's influence in Syria. At the same time, Turkish influence there is a serious problem, and Israel needs to keep a close eye on a growing threat from Ankara. Hulata said that while Israel could have done much more to break Hamas rule in Gaza, its best move now is to stick with Trump's 20-point plan, while bringing in partners like the UAE and Saudi Arabia. "Hamas is way weaker than it was before," Hulata said. "Hamas is disconnected from external lifelines of support. There is an ability to have a civilian rule in Gaza that would take power from Hamas and push it away." That would take creating safe civilian areas in the Israeli-controlled parts of Gaza in order to create new conditions in Gaza. Lazar Focus can be found on all podcast platforms. This episode was produced by Gabriella Jacobs and video edited by Ari Schlacht. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

    Eyal Hulata: What’s next in the fight against Iran
  4. 3 juil.

    Hanin Ghaddar: Lebanon turns against Hezbollah

    Welcome to The Times of Israel's Lazar Focus. Each Friday, join host diplomatic correspondent Lazar Berman for a deep dive into what's behind the news that spins the globe. Israelis and many Americans -- not to mention Gulf Arabs -- were stunned by the Memorandum of Understanding signed between the Trump administration and the Iranians last month. There was much to criticize in the MOU, but one of the most egregious elements was the inclusion of Lebanon in the ceasefire deal. Although neither Israel nor the Lebanese government were signatories to a deal between Washington and Tehran, it specifically mandated a halt to Israel's campaign against Hezbollah, Iran's most powerful proxy. Then, last Friday, a reason for some hope. As a beaming US Secretary of State Marco Rubio looked on, the Israeli and Lebanese ambassadors to Washington signed an agreement envisioning peace between the neighbors and the staged disarming of Hezbollah by the Lebanese army. Could this be the beginning of the end for Hezbollah, the tool of Iranian control of Lebanon? Can we expect a real peace deal that would see Israelis and Lebanese moving across the border? Or is this another half-baked Trump agreement that will lead nowhere, and will allow Israel's enemies to rebuild and keep their weapons? Hanin Ghaddar, a Shiite Lebanese scholar who grew up in southern Lebanon, says that even her community is sick of Hezbollah. The turn against the organization -- which claims to represent and protect the Shia -- began a decade ago, as they sided against anti-government protestors. With the country in a deep economic crisis and political stalemate, the organization dragged the country into war on October 8, 2023, in support of Hamas. The majority of Shiites in Lebanon, said Ghaddar, are done with Hezbollah. "The resistance is dead as a solution to everything," she posited. There's no belief in the resistance anymore. Hezbollah is still there with its arms, and people relate to it because of the factor of fear, not loyalty." Hezbollah dragged Lebanon into a war in support of Iran again this year. Lebanese citizens want Israel out, but see an agreement as the way to accomplish that goal. Ghaddar offered the possibility that the notoriously ineffective Lebanese military is actually more capable than Hezbollah after the Shiite militia was severely degraded by years of war with Israel. However, to disarm Hezbollah, she said, the Lebanese army must be willing to engage in armed conflict if necessary, with the backing of the US, Europe and Saudi Arabia. She made the point that while Israel's relationships with Arab countries are with their governments, the public continues to disdain the Jewish state. In Lebanon's case, the public wants an end to the conflict with Israel, while governments have been loath to act. "Lebanese are ready," she said. "Lebanese are definitely ready for peace." Lazar Focus can be found on all podcast platforms. This episode was produced by Gabriella Jacobs and video edited by Ari Schlacht. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

    Hanin Ghaddar: Lebanon turns against Hezbollah
  5. 12 juin

    Steffen Seibert: Gaza won’t sever special Germany-Israel ties

    Welcome to The Times of Israel's Lazar Focus. Each Friday, join host diplomatic correspondent Lazar Berman for a deep dive into what's behind the news that spins the globe. Last week, Germany failed to secure a temporary seat on the powerful United Nations Security Council. There were several theories about the reason for Berlin's failure, but Foreign Minister Johann Wadephul offered a striking one — that it could be that Germany's support for Israel cost it the coveted seat. Germany is indeed one of Israel's closest allies in the world, and has been for decades. At the same time, the special relationship Israel enjoys with Berlin -- like its ties with other key allies -- has come under strain in the wars it has pursued in the wake of the October 7, 2023, Hamas attacks. In August 2025, Germany announced a partial arms embargo on Israel over its decision to conquer Gaza City. To discuss the roots and the state of the Germany-Israel relationship, German Ambassador Steffen Seibert joined the podcast, weeks before he wraps up his four-year tenure and returns to Berlin. He rejects the idea that Germany's approach to Israel is guided by "Holocaust guilt." Instead, he says that the Shoah is a compass for Germany, which has the responsibility to learn the appropriate lessons from that dark period and let them guide its foreign policy. Seibert stresses that the Germany-Israel relationship is also rooted in shared democratic values and common interests. At the same time, he emphasizes that the special relationship exists within the pre-1967 borders, and that it sees Israel's presence in the West Bank as a violation of international law. On the war in Gaza, Seibert calls Israel's military response "inevitable and logical." Still, he says, there are questions over "how it was fought, how long it was fought." Still, he says that Hamas bears the main responsibility for the plight of Gazans. Seibert explains that Germany's decision not to intervene on Israel's behalf in the ICJ genocide case against Israel is a tactical move, as Berlin faces its own charges over its support for Israel: "It changes the assessment that we took at the beginning of the conflict. It's to do with the court case that we find ourselves in." Turning to the Iran war, Seibert says the Israeli-US campaign was "definitely understandable," but that continued fighting won't achieve much, and that it is now time to turn military gains into a political arrangement. Seibert, who learned Hebrew during his tenure, says that he is not sure what he will do next, but intends to continue spending time in Israel while he works to "reinvent" himself in the next phase of his career. Lazar Focus can be found on all podcast platforms. This episode was produced by Gabriella Jacobs and video edited by Ari Schlacht. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

    Steffen Seibert: Gaza won’t sever special Germany-Israel ties
  6. 15 mai

    Dakar Eilat: Inside prisons for Hamas terrorists

    Welcome to The Times of Israel's Lazar Focus. Each Friday, join host diplomatic correspondent Lazar Berman for a deep dive into what's behind the news that spins the globe. The New York Times printed a bombshell accusation against Israel this week. An op-ed by columnist Nicholas Kristof alleged widespread sexual abuse and rape against Palestinian prisoners. The column alleged “a pattern of widespread Israeli sexual violence against men, women and even children — by soldiers, settlers, interrogators in the Shin Bet internal security agency and, above all, prison guards.” Palestinians quoted in the piece said they’d even been mounted and raped by specially trained dogs. Israel called the article “one of the most hideous and distorted lies ever published against the State of Israel," and promised to sue the NYT. Some of the more extreme claims seem highly unlikely, to say the least, but could a group of guards -- or a prison commander -- be abusing prisoners in violation of the law? Israel's Prison Service is not a well-understood security organization, as bodies like the IDF, the Shin Bet, Mossad, and police garner far more attention. But IPS holds thousands of hardened terrorists from groups like Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad, and is an important part of the fight against those organizations. To better understand the IPS, its oversight, and how prisoners are treated, we speak to Col. Dakar Eilat, who ran two prisons in Israel. He explains the changes in the prison service's approach to terrorist prisoners that took place two decades ago, removing their ability to order terror attacks from inside prison, and then again after the October 7, 2023, Hamas terrorist attacks. There is no question that after October 7, conditions for terrorists have been reduced to the minimum required by law, he says. But guards can't do whatever they want. Everything that happens in prison is recorded by cameras, says Eilat, with footage then sent to prison service headquarters. Eilat shares some of his personal experiences as a prison commander and the use of force. He says that one of his predecessors had been caught using illegal force on prisoners, and the prison commissioner brought him in to end the phenomenon. That doesn't mean that prisoners were treated lightly. There were strip searches of prisoners, and if they resist with force, "they will be met with force," says Eilat. Still, there are multiple oversight mechanisms, he says. Some 130 organizations -- both Israeli and international -- carry out inspections and oversight of prisons, and during some weeks, he had 5 snap inspections of his prisons. As for the NYT allegations, he calls them "bullsh*t". He says that -- beyond the cameras -- doctors in prisons have an independent chain of command and reporting mechanism, and they would catch signs of abuse. Dog training is overseen by animal rights groups, and official investigations of the prison service are carried out by the Justice Ministry and the police. Covering up systematic abuse like that described in the Kristof piece would take hundreds of conspirators, says Eilat. Lazar Focus can be found on all podcast platforms. This episode was produced by Gabriella Jacobs and video edited by Ari Schlacht. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

    Dakar Eilat: Inside prisons for Hamas terrorists
  7. 8 mai

    Is the IDF telling the right story to the world ?

    Welcome to The Times of Israel's Lazar Focus. Each Friday, join host diplomatic correspondent Lazar Berman for a deep dive into what's behind the news that spins the globe. Israel has had a rough time of it on the international stage since the Hamas invasion of October 7, 2023 and the subsequent wars. Allegations of collective punishment, genocide, and targeting of religious sites have been made by some of Israel's closest allies, and support for the Jewish state is plummeting in the West. Much of the criticism leveled at Israel, justified or not, revolves around what the world sees from the battlefield. The IDF has a large, well-oiled public communications machine. The IDF Spokesperson's Unit does things other militaries can only dream of. At the same time, there is a feeling in Israel and among its friends that the IDF is too slow and bureaucratic to effectively get its message out in the age of social media and AI. LTC Nadav Shoshani, who returned to active duty in the wake of October 7, argues that despite Israel's inherent disadvantages, the IDF is effectively communicating to the world. In an interview the day before he steps down as the IDF's international spokesman, Shoshani reveals his approach to speaking to the world about the war in Gaza. He admits that Israel's reputation is at a nadir and that the problem must be dealt with. Yet he stresses that Israel is facing structural disadvantages. Much of the world simply doesn't like war. Israel's enemies aren't held to the same standard of truth and accuracy, which allows them to quickly spread lies while Israel is still carrying out investigations. Shoshani lays out some of the lessons he's learned in the position. Israel has to fill information vaccuums, he says, even if it is a message that the country is investigating the incident at hand. He also opened many new social media accounts, in order "to be everywhere and to be active everywhere." Pressed on the persistent problem of IDF soldiers posting problematic content on social media, Shoshani says that he has invested significant effort into confronting the problem, with tangible results. "They understand what's happening," says Shoshani. "They're more sensitive. It's still not where we want it to be, but it is much better." Shoshani takes listeners back to key episodes in the Gaza war like the 2025 announcement by Defense Minister Israel Katz that nothing would be going into Gaza, and the GHF aid site fiasco in which Gazans were killed nearly daily around the food distribution sites. He says that the IDF has acted properly around prisoners taken from Gaza. Shoshani visited the Sde Teiman base, and says Hamas terrorists there are receiving food and medical care, and that there are lawyers on site to make sure the guards adhere to the law. Shoshani also argues that the IDF is doing everything it can to combat settler violence in the West Bank: "We see this as a core mission. Our mission in Judea and Samaria is to keep stability and to keep safety for all the people living in that area, to make sure there is no violence." The military recognizes the problem, he says, and is dealing with it, but that it takes time. Lazar Focus can be found on all podcast platforms. This episode was produced by Gabriella Jacobs and video edited by Ari Schlacht. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

    Is the IDF telling the right story to the world ?
  8. 24 avr.

    David Rosen: Israel doesn't adequately understand Christian relations

    Welcome to The Times of Israel's Lazar Focus. Each Friday, join host diplomatic correspondent Lazar Berman for a deep dive into what's behind the news that spins the globe. The world, and most Israelis, were horrified this week as a photo of an IDF soldier smashing a statue of Jesus in Lebanon spread across social media. The act was roundly condemned by the army and by Israel's leaders. Yet, it happened. And it wasn't the first time Israeli soldiers had disrespected Christian sites in Lebanon, nor was it the only instance of Israel drawing the ire of Christians around the world. Rabbi David Rosen is a leader in Israeli and Jewish ties with Christians, especially the Catholic Church. Drawing on decades of experience, including numerous meetings with popes, he lays out the moral reasons for investing in ties with the Christian world, and why it is in Israel's national interest to get these relations right. He calls the modern Catholic Church a "loyal friend to the Jewish people," marking the "most dramatic transformation in the course of human history." The vast majority of the Christian world does not want to be seen as antisemitic, and sees itself as an ally of the Jewish people. But there is much to be done. Israel still has not concluded its decades-long talks with the Vatican, despite promising to wrap them up in the 1990s. Moreover, Israeli society doesn't understand the Christian world. Most religious Israelis have had no meaningful relationships with Christians, and see them through shallow stereotypes of historical antisemitism -- "almost a reverse image of some of the anti-Semitic cartoon images." Even worse, extremists continue to harass Christians in the Old City of Jerusalem and beyond. Rosen points at urgent tasks Israel must complete undertake if it is to get ties with Christians right. It must fix the "fundamental and enormous educational flaw" in schools by creating curricula to familiarize Israeli students with contemporary Christians, including their communities inside of Israel. Police must crack down on harassment of Christians in order to stamp out the phenomenon. Finally, he says, a senior official position must be created to build Israel's strategy toward churches and the broader Christian world. "There is no strategic thinking, no strategic approach whatsoever on the part of sequential governments of government after government in Israel," he laments, "because basically there has not been an understanding that this needs to be a priority in any way." Lazar Focus can be found on all podcast platforms. This episode was produced by Gabriella Jacobs and video edited by Ari Schlacht. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

    David Rosen: Israel doesn't adequately understand Christian relations

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Diplomatic correspondent Lazar Berman explores what's behind the news that spins the globe

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