Technopolitik

Pranay Kotasthane
  • 0.0 (0)
  • समाचार कॉमेंट्री

Exploring the intersection of technology and international relations from an Indian national interest perspective. hightechir.substack.com

  1. #49 US-India's High-Tech Talks, and Concerns surrounding TikTok.

    28/06/2023

    #49 US-India's High-Tech Talks, and Concerns surrounding TikTok.

    Last week saw a flurry of technopolitical developments as the US and India announced a slew of technology and defense deals. In case you missed it, we had a special post dissecting the preliminary details of India’s accession to the Artemis Accords. Check it out here! Also tune in to this podcast episode of All Things Policy, where Pranay Kotasthane, Aditya Ramanathan, Bharath Reddy, and Saurabh Todi from the High-Tech Geopolitics team discuss the announcements in the India-US joint statement in the field of Semiconductors, Advanced Telecommunications, and Space. Matsyanyaaya 1: Concerns Surrounding TikTok and the Future of ‘Project Texas’ — Anushka Saxena On June 16, the CEO of the controversial Chinese media platform TikTok, Shou Zi Chew, sent a letter to US Congress Senators Marsha Blackburn (R-Tenn.) and Richard Blumenthal (D-Conn.), responding to their questions about the company surrounding the storage of data of American users on the platform. In his testimony to a House Committee of the US Congress, Shou had previously stated that "American data has always been stored in Virginia and Singapore." But now, a Forbes investigation from late May has revealed that this may not entirely be true. This investigation prompted said Senators to seek answers from TikTok, and Shou's letter has confirmed said suspicions. What did Forbes' investigation say? On May 30, Forbes published a report arguing that "over the past several years, thousands of TikTok creators and businesses around the world have given the company sensitive financial information—including their social security numbers and tax IDs—so that they can be paid by the platform. But unbeknownst to many of them, TikTok has stored that personal financial information on servers in China that are accessible by employees there, Forbes has learned." Further, their report argued: "TikTok uses various internal tools and databases from its Beijing-based parent ByteDance to manage payments to creators who earn money through the app, including many of its biggest stars in the United States and Europe. The same tools are used to pay outside vendors and small businesses working with TikTok. But a trove of records obtained by Forbes from multiple sources across different parts of the company reveals that highly sensitive financial and personal information about those prized users and third parties has been stored in China. The discovery also raises questions about whether employees who are not authorized to access that data have been able to. It draws on internal communications, audio recordings, videos, screenshots, documents marked "Privileged and Confidential," and several people familiar with the matter." …And what has Shou said in his letter to Blackburn and Blumenthal? The point of the letter is to confirm that over the past year, TikTok has collaborated closely with Oracle to implement various measures to enhance the protection of the application, systems, and the security of data belonging to its users in the United States.  They also announced that in January 2023, they had achieved a significant milestone in this endeavour – the default storage location for US user data has been changed. All US user traffic is currently being directed to Oracle Cloud Infrastructure. While TikTok's data centres in the US and Singapore are still utilized for backup purposes, the company's ongoing efforts involve removing US users' private data from our data centres. Their objective is to fully transition to Oracle cloud servers in the United States, for which, as of March 2023, they have also started deleting previously stored data from foreign servers. But the controversy has arisen from the second main iteration of the letter, which reads: "TikTok has been clear that there are certain, limited exceptions to the definition of protected data. These exceptions are in place to help ensure interoperability of TikTok as a global platform and were determined as part of TikTok's extensive, multi-year negotiations with CFIUS that have occurred under two Administrations. Exceptions include categories such as public data, business metrics, interoperability data, and certain creator data, if a creator voluntarily signs up for a commercial program to be supported by TikTok in reaching new audiences and monetizing content. As part of Project Texas, we are also designing a trusted path to enable TikTok to respond to global government and litigation demands for documents relating to users." This confirms that if a content creator based out of the US has subscribed to paid content promotion programmes on the platform for the sake of 'interoperability', their data has been redirected to servers abroad… including those in China. The senators have responded in an obviously indignant manner, stating: "We are extremely concerned that TikTok is storing Americans' personal, private data within the reach of the Chinese government. TikTok executives appear to have repeatedly and intentionally misled Congress when answering how the company secures and protects the data of Americans. TikTok's response makes it crystal clear that Americans' data is still exposed to Beijing's draconian and pervasive spying regimes – despite the claims of TikTok's misleading public relations campaign." What is Project Texas? 'Project Texas' is Shou Zi Chew's answer to the US Congress's security concerns. Through the Project, TikTok in the US would maintain local data servers disallowing any flow of information of American users outside the country, and Oracle will reportedly own these servers. Moreover, as part of the Project, TikTok might also reveal its algorithm to the US agencies for greater transparency. At this point, the countries of the 'Five Eyes Intelligence Alliance', namely the US, Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and the UK, as well as the European Parliament, have already collectively banned TikTok from being installed in government-issued/ federal service devices, to prevent sensitive official data from reaching the hands of China, or any externally based TikTok server that the US may have no jurisdiction over.  Moreover, a Bill by US Senator McCaul on 'Deterring America's Technological Adversaries' Act (DATA Act) is already tabled for discussion in Congress since February this year, and it identifies TikTok and its parent company 'ByteDance' major security threats to American users' privacy. With the developments in the debate on TikTok and data governance likely to continue, the latest controversy surrounding the letter may well be the death knell that pushes the US to adopt broader legislation regulating civilian uses of the app.  Cyberpolitik Explainer : The Soviet Semiconductor Failure — Revati Gandekar Semiconductors are critical for technological sectors that produce electronic components such as transistors, diodes, integrated circuits, and microprocessors. These components are essential for computers, telecommunications, consumer electronics, military, and aerospace. The semiconductor industry played a pivotal role in shaping the technological landscape of the 20th century. While the United States and other Western countries experienced significant growth and innovation in this field, the Soviet Union also made notable advancements in the semiconductor industry. This aims to analyze the rise and fall of the semiconductor industry in the USSR, exploring what contributed to its initial success, the subsequent challenges, and ultimately the industry's failure.  In the late 1950s, the USSR recognized the potential of semiconductor technology and sought to develop its industry. They established research institutes, such as the Moscow Institute of Electronic Technology and the Lebedev Physical Institute, which focused on semiconductor research and development. Additionally, collaborations with Eastern Bloc countries, such as East Germany, helped accelerate the industry's growth. Unlike the market-driven approach of the West industries, the USSR's semiconductor sector was primarily state-driven. The Soviet government heavily invested in research and development, providing massive funding and resources to semiconductor projects. This support allowed Soviet scientists and engineers to progress significantly in the field, albeit often in a more secretive and controlled environment. The Soviet semiconductor industry achieved several notable milestones during its heyday. In the early 1960s, Soviet scientists developed the first silicon planar transistor, a breakthrough that revolutionized transistor manufacturing worldwide. The USSR also made significant progress in integrated circuit technology, contributing to advancements in military electronics, space exploration, and industrial automation. While the USSR achieved remarkable progress in the semiconductor industry, it faced numerous challenges and limitations that eventually hindered its growth. One significant factor was the lack of open collaboration and information exchange with Western countries. The USSR's isolationist policies limited access to global semiconductor developments, impeding the industry's ability to keep pace with international advancements. This stifled innovation, as government committees with little technical expertise decided on resource allocation, technology adoption, and production targets. The lack of market-oriented incentives hindered the industry's ability to respond to changing market dynamics and meet international standards. One of the main challenges that the Soviet Union faced in developing its semiconductor industry was the initial ideological opposition to cybernetics, which was seen as a bourgeois pseudoscience that threatened the Marxist-Leninist doctrine. This attitude changed in the late 1950s and early 1960s when Nikita Khrushchev adopted a policy that encouraged computer production and scientific research. The Soviet Union realized the strategic implications of se

    29 मिनट
  2. #47 Of Measured Cyberspace Regulations and Lofty Space Ambitions

    31/05/2023

    #47 Of Measured Cyberspace Regulations and Lofty Space Ambitions

    Matsyanyaaya: Insights from recent OEWG discussions on Information and Communications Technologies — Anushka Saxena The militarisation of cyberspace is a reality. And to enable states to discuss and adopt common rules for global governance of cyberspace, on 31 December 2020, the United Nations General Assembly adopted resolution 75/240  establishing an Open-ended Working Group (OEWG) on the security of and in the use of Information and Communications Technologies. The mandate for the Group extends from 2021 to 2025. The Group recently concluded its informal, inter-sessional meetings on 26 May, and deliberations put forth by various states give us some insights into the kind of talking points we could look out for during the fifth Substantive Session of the Group, scheduled for July 2023. To summarise, various stakeholders, ranging from governments and representatives of UN bodies to scholars from think tanks and technology corporations, submitted ideas about what the 2023 Annual Progress Report (APR) should entail. All of their ideas either build on or expand what has already been discussed in the previous substantive and informal sessions in 2023 or the 2022 APR. Some interesting ideas are as follows: * Iran submitted a Working Paper on establishing a provisional directory of 'Points of Contact' (PoCs) on ICT and cybersecurity. ●     The first proposal to develop such a global directory was tabled in the UN Governmental Group of Experts Reports of 2013 (A/68/98). Now, every GGE and OEWG discussion notes progress on the directory. ●     The aim of this directory shall be for states to appoint field experts in technical or diplomatic positions (or both), which would be a part of a global PoC network debating everything from responsible state behaviour in cyberspace and the applicability of international law to defining threats to ICT. ●     As we know, the current Indian government has quite a knack for portals, and to formalise the creation of a PoCs global directory, India, too, has proposed the creation of a Global Cyber Security Cooperation Portal. The proposal, submitted by India's Permanent Representative in New York in July 2022, states that such a Portal shall be voluntarily updated by states and maintained by the UN Office for Disarmament Affairs. * The UNOCT/UNCCT and the UN Counter-Terrorism Committee Executive Directorate presented proposals for 'capacity building'. The proposal by the former was basically about glorifying the successes of its Global CounterTerrorism Programme on Cybersecurity and New Technologies. But the latter proposal, presented by the UNCTED, emphatically highlights the challenge of malicious online activity by rogue non-state actors and how existing counter-terrorism infrastructure can be leveraged to deal with it. ●     The important recommendation is to develop comprehensive training programmes for law enforcement personnel and criminal justice practitioners working with digital evidence. The mention of the latter may be an important signal of more private sector participation in navigating the legalities of what constitutes 'terrorism' in cyberspace. * Submissions from the private sector mainly highlighted which governmental proposals are the most crucial for focus on in the next substantive session and how they can be expanded or narrowed down: ●     Stimson Center's submission iterated that the two major emerging technologies states should agree on are common threats to ICT Security are ransomware and Artificial Intelligence. ●     It should be noted that both El Salvador and Czechia had made statements during the last substantive session in March on the need for developing standards on 'responsible state behaviour' in new and emerging tech like AI and Quantum. But these efforts would be futile until states can first agree on what harmful use of AI/ Quantum is, given the dual nature of such technologies, and then move on to standard-setting. ●     DCX Technologies presented anecdotes on how to avert a ransomware attack and engage with the attacker. Two suggestions stand out from their four-page intervention – one, that knowledge of critical infrastructure is essential to know how to protect it (such as by using enterprise security tools to detect malicious behaviour), and second, that any response to a large-scale ransomware attack such as the one DCX faced in 2020 requires a transparent, multi-stakeholder mitigation model. If adopted and developed, these ideas could provide meaningful direction for the next set of discussions at the OEWG-ICT. However, if we look at some of the concerns governments presented during the fourth substantive session of the Group earlier in March, we can safely conclude that some of these ideas are a massive jump ahead of the tide. For example, India's primary concern during the session was as fundamental as something can be – for states to converge on their definitions and interpretations of international law! Similarly, Kenya's proposal entailed that states at least converge on how to define 'common threats in the cyberspace'. This is, however, not to say that there exist no agreements whatsoever – states at the OEWG have now come to agree that the UN Charter is readily applicable to cybersecurity (especially provisions under Articles 2(1), 2(4), and 33). In doing so, they have cemented the idea that existing global governance institutions like the International Court of Justice can be utilised even to resolve cyber-incident disputes peacefully. This has not stopped countries like Russia and Syria from proposing a new legally-binding mechanism to govern state behaviour in ICT, citing the inability of existing mechanisms to do so. Overall, some convergence exists on building capacity, creating a global knowledge base involving both state and non-state actors, and creating a due diligence mechanism for states to respond to malicious activities originating from their territory. The next Substantive Session would be vital to understand how states respond to these ideas and whether they can agree to resolve some of the fundamental challenges facing the OEWG's ambitious goals. Cyberpolitik : A “broadly” unclear Light-Touch Regulation for India’s Online Gaming Industry. — Satya Sahu Online gaming is one of the fastest-growing segments of India’s digital economy, with millions of users playing various games on platforms ranging from smartphones, consoles and PCs. India’s gaming population is pegged to reach 700 million by 2025, with a significant portion of players spending real money on games. (current conversion rate is about 24% or 120 million players. It is a good bet that this trend will comfortably allow the Indian online gaming industry's ambitions of growing to USD 8.6 billion by 2027.  However, online gaming also comes with challenges and risks, because it can serve as a pathway to gambling using real money, addiction, an easy target for cybercrime, and exposure to illegal illicit content. So of course, the Ministry of Electronics and IT (MeitY) notified amendments to the Information Technology (Intermediary Guidelines and Digital Media Ethics Code) Rules, 2021, related to online gaming in early April 2023.  The amendments aim to enforce greater due diligence by online gaming intermediaries, such as platforms, websites, and apps that offer online games, and to protect users from illegal betting and wagering online. The amendments also envisage the creation of self-regulatory bodies (SROs) that will register and certify permissible online games and resolve complaints through a grievance redressal mechanism. In most regards, the amendments have garnered applause from the gaming industry for being an unusual example of a light-touch regulation and promoting the idea of a trustworthy self-regulating market. It is a rare example of an enabling legislation meant to promote regulatory certainty without much in the way of prescriptive mandates. But with the lack of prescription, also comes uncertainty, particularly in the matter of definitions involved in deciding what constitutes "online gaming", "betting”, or "gambling. While jurisprudence across the country is settled on the distinction being whether the game in question has an element of skill or an element of chance (with the latter legally prohibited), the Rules do not provide any assistance in making that distinction clear. There is also a significant issue about the implementation of these regulations due to the fact that gambling is a state list subject under the Indian constitution; however, the discussion on federalism in this context is beyond the scope of this post. This post’s focus, however, is the definition of “user harm” in the context of online gaming. As per the explanation to Rule 3(1)(b)(ii), “user harm” and “harm” mean any effect which is detrimental to a user or child, as the case may be. Even at a cursory glance, this definition is unusually broad and vague, leaving much room for interpretation and discretion by the government and the SROs. For instance, would considerations of obscenity, defamation, hate speech, discrimination, harassment, cyberbullying, cyberstalking, phishing, hacking, identity theft, addiction, or compulsive behaviour etc be relevant while defining “harm” in the context of online gaming? How will these terms be defined and measured? Who decides whether an online game is likely to incite any of these harms? What are the criteria and standards for such decisions? How will the users be informed and educated about these harms and their consequences? Moreover, a definition of user harm that does not take into account the diversity and complexity of online gaming genres, formats, modes, and audiences would be woefully limited. Online gaming is not a monolithic phenomenon, but a rapidly evolving one, with different types of games catering to different players. In game

    22 मिनट
  3. #46 Numerology of conflict and cooperation in technology

    17/05/2023

    #46 Numerology of conflict and cooperation in technology

    Biopolitik: The Power of Four: Biomanufacturing and the Quad — Saurabh Todi A biological revolution is underway in global manufacturing. Products produced from genetic engineering and biomanufacturing techniques are replacing many chemical, industrial and farm-based products. According to a 2020 McKinsey report, the substitution of chemical products with biological alternatives through modern biotechnology has the potential to produce up to 60 per cent of the physical inputs required by the global economy. Similar modern biotechnology efforts are underway for milk, meat, pharmaceuticals, oils and numerous other industries. Individually, these industries are worth many billions or trillions of dollars. Combined, they make biotechnology one of the most economically lucrative emerging technologies. However, beyond the obvious economic value, there is significant strategic and social value in modern biotechnologies. The products produced by modern biotechnology are or will be essential for producing food, energy, and health management. Those that control the IP and supply chains will potentially control key determinants of society’s technological progress. There are also numerous potential military applications for biotechnology that range from food security to new, lightweight polymers to understanding the potential of highly effective biological weapons (which are banned under international law). Given the immense economic and strategic importance of these technologies, it is vital that countries do not place themselves in a vulnerable position. The Quad has sought to address this potential vulnerability by establishing a Critical and Emerging Technology Working Group that will monitor trends in critical and emerging technologies, such as synthetic biology, genome sequencing, and biomanufacturing, and also identify opportunities for cooperation within Quad. China plans to establish its dominance in biomanufacturing as well. In a Chinese government document on building the bioeconomy, a central theme was biomanufacturing at scale, including plastics, oils and agri-food technology. The ASPI critical technology tracker shows that academics in China publish more of the top 10% of most-cited academic papers for biomanufacturing than in any other country. Given China’s track record in establishing a lead in several emerging technologies, There’s good reason to believe China will build its biomanufacturing base faster than its competitors. To capitalise on the economic potential of the biomanufacturing industry and address potential supply chain vulnerabilities, we recommended that Quad countries establish a biomanufacturing hub in India. The proposed Quad-led hub would invest in three main areas: strengthening physical infrastructure, bolstering workforce capabilities, and identifying opportunities for collaboration. Researchers at the Takshashila Institution, Saurabh Todi and Shambhavi Naik, along with researchers at Australian National University, Dirk van der Kley and Daniel Pavlich, have explored this idea in detail in a recently published as a Discussion Document. The recommendation was published as op-eds in publications like ASPI Strategist. Matsyanyaaya: Preparing for the quantum leap — Rijesh Panicker The National Mission for Quantum Technologies and Applications (NM-QTA) seeks to strengthen India’s research and development ecosystem in various quantum technologies like quantum communications, quantum computing, quantum sensing and quantum materials. It will also look to build 50-100 qubit quantum computers within the next 5-8 years. With an outlay of ₹6,000 crores over the next eight years, NM-QTA represents a significant step forward from the Quantum Enabled Science and Technology (QueST) research program, funded by the Department of Science and Technology (DST) for ₹80 crore. India has also sought international collaboration in this area. Among these is a partnership between the National Science Foundation in the US and Indian science agencies as part of the US-India Initiative on Critical and Emerging Technologies (iCET) in several areas, including quantum technologies, an Indo-US quantum coordination mechanism to facilitate research and collaboration, and an agreement with Finland, which includes setting up virtual quantum centres at three institutes in collaboration with Finnish academia. Three key factors explain this acceleration in investment in quantum technologies. First, quantum technologies are disruptive in their positive and negative impact. Quantum computers use quantum bits (qubits) to perform calculations based on quantum mechanical principles, allowing them to solve certain problems exponentially faster than traditional computers, which use classical bits (0 or 1) for computation. This is because qubits can exist in multiple states simultaneously (both 0 and 1), enabling quantum computers to perform many calculations at once, whereas classical bits can only exist in one state at a time. In areas such as material sciences and chemistry, quantum computers could prove groundbreaking, helping develop new and innovative molecules and materials at a rate faster than ever. Similarly, quantum secure communications significantly improve our cyber security and threat-detection capabilities.  Conversely, quantum computers above a certain size (measured in qubits) can easily break the encryption algorithms that secure most of our data today. Any actor – either state or non-state – that captures financial, military and infrastructure-related data critical to our national interest only needs to hold onto it until quantum computers are of a certain capability to be able to decrypt the data. This leaves us vulnerable to the inevitable progress in quantum computing. The second factor is the global geopolitical environment. China and the US are battling for strategic advantage, especially in emerging technologies. Countries will protect their core technology, push for their standards and maintain close control over their allied supply chains. In quantum, for example, China has chosen to push its path forward. Similarly, India should not simply depend on its allies. In the 1990s, Russia was not allowed to fully transfer cryogenic engine technology to the Indian Space Research Organization (ISRO) due to the Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR) that existed. Ultimately, ISRO developed its own indigenous cryogenic engine in 2014. We must avoid something similar happening to us in the quantum space. We can see this playing out in the area of quantum communications, where countries like China, Japan, and South Korea have demonstrated their own quantum secure communication networks. The standards for quantum communications are still being developed, and whoever influences these standards gains an advantage.  In the quantum computing space, there are multiple methods to build a quantum computing core, each with its strengths and weaknesses. No one technology has a clear path to a viable, large-scale quantum computer. The winner of this race will undoubtedly have a long-term advantage over its competitors.  A third reason to consider is our relative weakness in high-tech research and development (R&D). India has spent about 0.7% of its GDP on R&D annually over the last decade. In particular, the government accounts for over 55% of all R&D investments in India. In contrast, China spends about 2.1% and the US 3% of GDP on research, both with high levels of private sector participation. Compare the nearly $1.2 billion investment in quantum computing just in 2022 by the private sector in the US with the National Quantum Mission (NM-QTA) $730 million budget over the next eight years.  A recent study by the Australian Strategic Policy Institute (ASPI) comparing quantum investments across countries shows India lagging the US and China, both in terms of trained manpower and in terms of research conducted (as measured by highly cited papers; probably a biased metric for quality of research, but a metric nonetheless). We must choose where to be “Atmanirbhar” and where we want to depend on others. India must decide where to wait and watch and where to go now. In some areas, like quantum communications, we have already decided to go, which is the right move. As a matter of good strategy, India must identify those parts of the quantum technology space where we need to maintain technological independence and diversity. A considered allocation of resources to build infrastructure, fund and encourage research, train manpower, and participate in and influence global standards is a great path forward. Antariksh Matters: China’s secretive space plane — Aditya Ramanathan China’s enigmatic space plane landed horizontally on Earth on May 8 after 276 days in orbit, according to the state-owned China Aerospace Science and Technology Corporation (CASC). The uncrewed reusable vehicle was launched in August 2022 on a Long March 2F rocket. This was the second such mission involving a reusable vehicle. In September 2020, a reusable craft was put into orbit for just two days, during which time it deployed two small objects into orbit.  The recently concluded mission also involved putting a payload into orbit. On October 31, 2022, about three months after its launch, the craft deployed an object that may have been a small companion satellite meant to monitor the craft. Chinese crewed craft have released similar monitoring satellites in the past. The space situational awareness company Leolabs tracked the Chinese craft and has concluded that it docked with an ‘Object J’ (most likely the same monitoring satellite) two or three times. Leolabs also concluded that the space plane had an independent capacity to manoeuvre and propel itself while in orbit. Everyone Likes Spaceplanes States have been experimenting with space planes for decades. The erstwhile US Space Shuttle was the most prominent example of a

    16 मिनट

  4. 03/05/2023

    #45 Davids and Goliaths in the world of tech

    Cyberpolitik: AI and Crime Prevention: Is it a force multiplier? — Satya Sahu Crime prevention is based on the idea that crime can be reduced or eliminated by modifying the factors that influence its occurrence or consequences. We can classify “prevention” into three main types: primary, secondary, and tertiary. Primary prevention addresses the root causes of crime or deters potential offenders before they commit a crime. Secondary prevention aims to intervene with at-risk groups or individuals to prevent them from becoming involved in crime. Finally, tertiary prevention efforts seek to rehabilitate or punish offenders to prevent them from reoffending. (This, however, is beyond the scope of today’s discussion.) Flipping the coin, we notice that policing is based on the idea that law enforcement and public order can be maintained by enforcing the law and responding to crimes or incidents. Policing also lends itself to being classified into two main types: reactive and proactive. Reactive policing responds to reported crimes or incidents after they occur. Proactive policing anticipates or prevents crimes or incidents before they occur. On the face of it, AI can help us prevent and fight crime by enhancing both types of crime prevention and policing. AI can digest and analyse petabytes of data from disparate sources, such as social media, CCTV footage, sensors used in our Smart Cities™, and boring old digitised government records, to identify patterns, trends, and anomalies that can indicate potential criminal activity. For example, the police in Vancouver use predictive models to identify areas where robberies are expected to occur and then post officers to deter potential thieves or other criminals. Similarly, the police in Los Angeles use a system called PredPol that generates maps of hotspots where crimes are likely to happen based on past data. These systems can help the police allocate their resources more efficiently and effectively and reduce crime rates and response times. When it comes to collecting and processing evidence, such as fingerprints, DNA, facial recognition, voice recognition, and digital forensics etc., we can look at the UK Home Office’s VALCRI, which uses AI to analyse large volumes of data from different sources, such as crime reports, witness statements, CCTV footage, and social media posts, to generate hypotheses and leads for investigators. For example, the police in India used ML-backed facial recognition technology to reunite thousands of missing children with their families. Moreover, AI can help the police in presenting evidence and arguments in court, such as using natural language processing to generate concise summaries or transcripts of testimonies or documents. It could augment efforts to monitor and evaluate police performance and conduct, such as using dashcams, bodycams, or drones to record their interactions with the public and/or suspects. For example, the police in New Orleans developed a program called EPIC that uses AI to analyse video footage from bodycams to identify instances of misconduct or excessive force by officers. It can also help the police in engaging with the public and building trust and confidence, such as using chatbots or social media platforms to communicate with citizens and provide critical information services, hopefully unlike the chatbot from my bank’s beleaguered website. However, all this has enormous implications for the jurisprudential underpinnings of crime prevention and policing. One such significance arises when AI itself can change the nature and scope of crime and criminality. AI can enable new forms of crime that exploit its capabilities and vulnerabilities, such as cyberattacks, biometric spoofing, deepfakes, autonomous weapons, or social engineering. Unlike their current-crime counterparts, leveraging AI allows these future crimes to be more sophisticated, scalable and anonymous than conventional ones. Therefore, the legal and ethical frameworks that govern our efforts to control such crimes must, therefore, must evolve to address these new crimes. It is a foregone conclusion that without involving AI at the forefront of these efforts, it will be impossible to counter AI-enabled crimes themselves. Hence the concomitant need to update the legal and ethical norms guiding society’s conceptions of policing and crime prevention. Yet another implication is that AI also transforms the roles and responsibilities of police officers and other actors involved in crime prevention or response. As the examples show, AI can augment or automate some of the tasks that police officers perform, such as data collection, analysis, or evidence processing. AI can also assist or replace some of the decisions that police officers make, such as risk assessment, resource allocation, or intervention selection. To ensure that the concerns of effectiveness and responsibility surrounding Mx. Robo-Cop are adequately balanced, clear and consistent standards and regulations for police and state actors must be established side-by-side with the development and deployment of such systems.  This is not to say that we need to disavow the use of AI in the field of policing and crime prevention. The potential and limitations of AI and the skills and knowledge to use it effectively and responsibly make it so versatile and terrifying. However, it is still a tool to be wielded by the legitimate wielder of the state’s punitive power: the police. The use of AI in identifying young people who are vulnerable to gang exploitation or violence and mounting efforts to prevent them from becoming involved in crime is already a burning question in the UK. This recognises that leveraging AI to provide better targeted and tailored state support and services to at-risk groups or individuals, is valuable. On the face of it, any enhancements to their state’s performance, efficiency, and accountability in this regard will be applauded. But given what we know about the pitfalls surrounding AI, the opposite also holds: violating the privacy, dignity, or rights of individuals or communities will reduce the trust and legitimacy that is essential for state actors and the police to be able to police under the social contract. Referring back to my previous post here, we know that AI can create or exacerbate the digital divide or systemic social inequalities among different groups or individuals. The conversation about the use of AI in a field where the slightest deviation from the limited scope of policing is undesirable must discuss the processes involved as well as the outcomes exacted upon the population being policed. This indicates the need to ensure that AI is used in a way that respects and protects the interests and values of individuals or communities. AI is a powerful tool that can help us understand the causes of, prevent, and reduce crime. Still, it is not a substitute for human judgment or responsibility. It is not merely a technology but also a socio-cultural phenomenon to be embraced with a healthy mixture of curiosity and caution.  (I use the term ‘AI’ to include machine learning, Neural Language Processing, etc., here for brevity.) Matsyanyaaya: Why a local Indian rickshaw app should worry Big Tech — Shailesh Chitnis Digital platforms, such as Google and Facebook for advertising and Amazon for e-commerce, derive their power by bringing sellers and buyers together in one place. Over time, "network effects" ensure that these platforms achieve monopoly power in the market. Regulators have tried different methods to limit the reach of these platforms. The European Union prefers a rule-based approach to reining in these companies, while the United States M+A policy is focused on preventing market concentration. Neither has worked particularly well. Namma Yatri, a small ride-hailing app in Bangalore, may point in another direction. Since its launch last November, the app lists almost a third of the city's 150,000-odd rickshaw drivers on its network and routes 40% of all rickshaw rides. It is now a viable competitor to Ola and Uber, the dominant apps. Namma Yatri is unique in that it is entirely funded and run by the community. The app is based on the open-source platform Open Network for Digital Commerce (ONDC), which is a non-profit supported by the Indian government. A private company, Juspay Technologies create the app, and there is no commission fee. ONDC's concept is to create a common platform where buyers and sellers can easily transact. This is essentially a technological solution that deconstructs a marketplace (see figure below). By abstracting the platform from supply and demand, ONDC seeks to remove some of the barriers of large digital platforms. ONDC’s approach is not unique. Last week, Bluesky, a new social media platform backed by Twitter’s founder Jack Dorsey, started inviting users to its Twitter-like platform. What makes it different is that the social network is built on a decentralized system. This would allow, in theory, users from multiple social networks, each with its own systems of curation and moderation to interact. A technology-driven solution that unbundles a marketplace into different pieces may spur more competition. And given India’s success with pushing large-scale digital infrastructure projects, entrenched platforms should pay attention. Though it’s early days for these platforms, there are a few questions, particularly around their business model. - Can a community-supported model work for India when our open-source culture isn’t that well-developed? - If private companies are developing and maintaining applications on the platform, what are the monetization models? But perhaps, the most important question is about government intervention. With ONDC, if the government actively participates in defining the protocol and in advocating its use, does that influence innovation and natural market evolution? Antar

    22 मिनट

  5. 05/04/2023

    #44: AI Misinform, US-India Cooperate and ISRO Reuse

    Cyberpolitik: The Gell-mann “AI”mnesiac Effect — Satya Sahu Here are two screenshots of a hastily written prompt to which ChatGPT dutifully responded almost immediately. As I read the responses to my prompts, I was painfully aware of the fact that the second passage could very plausibly be attached alongside a doctored image of a scientist holding up a processor die and forwarded countless times on Whatsapp by thousands of my fellow citizens, all overjoyed at the prospect of India finally having become a semiconductor nation. These persuasively written passages contain no usual hallmarks of a shoddy copypasta-like questionable grammar and syntactical errors. The issue evident to anybody familiar with the global semiconductor value chain is that unless the reader of these passages also knows that efforts to produce an indigenous x86 processor are non-existent, they would not be able to discern the falsehood. While AI can generate realistic and useful content for entertainment, education, research, and communication, it can also produce and disseminate misinformation, propaganda, and fake news. Misinformation is false or inaccurate information that is deliberately or unintentionally spread to influence people’s beliefs, attitudes, or behaviours. Misinformation can have serious negative impacts on individuals and society, such as eroding trust, polarizing opinions, undermining democracy, and endangering public health and safety. One of the challenges of combating misinformation is that people are often vulnerable to cognitive biases that impair their ability to evaluate the credibility and accuracy of information. One such bias is the Gell-Mann Amnesia effect, coined by Michael Crichton and named after the Nobel Prize-winning physicist Murray Gell-Mann. The Gell-Mann Amnesia effect describes the phenomenon of an expert believing news articles on topics outside of their field of expertise even after acknowledging that articles written in the same publication that are within the expert’s field of expertise are error-ridden and full of misunderstanding. For example, a physicist may read an article on physics in a newspaper and find it full of errors and misconceptions but then turn the page and read an article on politics or economics and accept it as factual and reliable. The Gell-Mann Amnesia effect illustrates how people tend to forget or ignore their prior knowledge and experience when they encounter new information that is presented by a seemingly authoritative source. This effect can be exploited by AI-generated misinformation, which can mimic the style and tone of reputable media outlets and create convincing content that appeals to people’s emotions, biases, and expectations. AI-generated misinformation can also leverage social media platforms and networks to amplify its reach and influence by exploiting algorithms that favour sensationalism, novelty, and popularity over quality, accuracy, and relevance. Another challenge in combating misinformation is that large language models (LLMs), the main technology behind AI-generated content, are biased and incomplete. LLMs are trained on massive amounts of text data collected from the internet, which reflect the biases and gaps present in society and culture. LLMs learn to reproduce and amplify these biases and gaps in their outputs, which can lead to harmful and misleading content. One type of bias that LLMs can perpetuate is second-order bias, which is the bias that arises from the way data is organized, categorized, and represented. Second-order bias can affect how LLMs understand and generate information, such as classifying entities, assigning attributes, inferring relationships, and constructing narratives. These can also affect how LLMs interact with users, such as how they respond to queries, provide feedback, and adapt to preferences. Second-order bias can make misinformation more problematic at scale because it can affect not only the content but also the context and purpose of information. For example, it can influence how LLMs frame and filter information to suit different audiences and agendas, as well as manipulate and persuade users to accept or reject information based on their emotions, biases, and expectations. It can also influence how LLMs conceal or reveal their sources and intentions to users. All of this is to say that the effort associated with generating false WhatsApp forwards like the example above (but far less benign!) for hundreds of thousands of people at a time is now rendered minuscule. Obviously, the public needs to develop critical thinking and media literacy skills to discern truth from falsehoods on a rapid-fire basis, but the consensus amongst researchers is that there is no silver bullet to this problem. One can only hope that the human cost of developing AI-fuelled output that is difficult to distinguish from human creative output makes us pause and take stock of the situation. It may, however, be too late. Matsyanyaaya: Cooperating to Communicate — Bharath Reddy The telecommunications network of a country qualifies as critical infrastructure. With the increasing adoption of 5G and the Internet of Things (IoT), almost everything we do will rely on this infrastructure. The recently signed India and US initiative on Critical and Emerging Technology (iCET) recognises next-generation telecommunications as one of the collaboration domains.  Within this domain, iCET identifies the following two areas for collaboration: * “Launching a public-private dialogue on telecommunications and regulations.” * “Advancing cooperation on research and development in 5G and 6G, facilitating deployment and adoption of Open RAN in India, and fostering global economies of scale within the sector.” These welcome developments aim to address shared challenges for both India and US. The telecom equipment industry has high entry barriers and is dominated by a handful of vendors. The top four vendors - Ericsson, Nokia, Huawei and ZTE - share around 85% of the Radio Access Network (RAN) market share. Sanctions and bans imposed against Huawei and ZTE further limit vendor choice. The lack of competition in the market could lead to a decline in innovation, an increase in prices and the risk of disrupted supply chains. Several applications necessary for our daily life, such as communications, autonomous vehicles, and smart cities, require a secure and reliable telecommunication infrastructure. The choice of vendors is critical. It’s no wonder many states have implemented sanctions against Huawei, recognising it as a potential threat to national security. The telecommunications giant has close ties to the Chinese state. Given the geopolitical climate, relying on an adversary to maintain and upgradation of critical infrastructure is not an option.  The companies with the largest RAN market share are full-stack vendors that offer tightly integrated solutions. Open RAN promises to reduce entry barriers by disaggregating the RAN ecosystem. This allows smaller vendors to enter the market by building interoperable and modular components. However, this comes with the risk of complexities in system integration. The responsibility of a reliable and secure system will shift from a single vendor to system integrators and regulators. Given this market dynamic, system integrators and regulators need to develop the skills and capacity to integrate and validate the robustness of such systems. Chinese companies dominate in 5G/6G standard development organisations such as the 3GPP. The disaggregation caused by adopting Open RAN should enable more innovation and broader participation in standards development. Open RAN adoption is progressing slowly, but it can play a more significant role in 6G. Cooperation between India and US in research and development in 5G, 6G and Open RAN will stand both countries in good stead. It will help build resilient supply chains and technical competence in these critical technologies.  Antariksh Matters: A vehicle worth reusing — Pranav R Satyanath On April 2nd, the Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO) conducted an autonomous landing test of the Reusable Launch Vehicle — a spacecraft that looks a lot like an uncrewed spaceplane. The test was indeed unique as the RLV was carried to an altitude of 4.5 km by a helicopter, after which the RLV made an autonomous landing using on-board computers and navigation receivers. The existence of the vehicle is no secret. The RLV Test Demonstrator has been in development since 2012. In 2016, ISRO mounted the test vehicle on a sounding rocket and carried out the first hypersonic flight experiment. Since then, the RLV has undergone several experiments to test the flight and landing characteristics of the vehicle. Since the vehicle’s inception, ISRO has envisioned the RLV to be a test bed for a launch vehicle that could become fully operational by 2030. Of course, the RLV is more akin to the space shuttle than the reusable rockets used by SpaceX or Blue Origin. The space shuttle, for its part, was far more expensive than what the National Aeronautics and Space Administration first calculated. So the question remains: will the RLV suffer the same fate? The answer? No. This is because the ISRO’s space plane design is likely to be far smaller and more nimble than the Space Shuttle (the latter was designed to carry both heavy cargo and astronauts). Concepts for space planes have existed since the 1960s, most prominent of which was the Boeing X-20 Dyna-SOAR, which never made it past early testing. The RLV could follow the X-20 style lineage, which inspired space planes like the European Space Agency’s HERMES spacecraft and the DreamChaser mini space shuttle by the private company, Sierra Space. India’s space shuttle, therefore, could eventually develop into a spacecraft that will be mounted on top of the LVM-III rocket and carry astronauts into space. T

    14 मिनट

  6. 22/03/2023

    Technopolitik Special Issue: The untaken road towards AI

    A new discussion document authored by Shailesh Chitnis provides a pragmatic assessment of India’s capabilities in Artificial Intelligence (AI) today. It proposes one bold idea which, if properly executed, has the potential to catapult the country into a dominant position in the AI race. But why another document about AI strategy for India? The expert from the document is provided below. Most reports on AI in India follow a predictable pattern. First, they fuss over the potential of AI to alter every aspect of society and the economy. Next, they present eye-watering numbers on the impact of AI on India’s economy. Finally, there’s a mild caution against missing out on this once-in-a-generation boom. Left unsaid are the steps needed to get there. This is not such a report. It assumes that the reader is astute enough to know the transformational nature of AI. The reader also agrees that over time, this general-purpose technology will permeate every aspect of our lives. The extent of change depends on how successful we are in adopting this technology. But no one, this report hopes, needs to be convinced of the potential pay-off with AI. Instead, this short paper is focused on that space between strategy and outcome, namely execution. It deliberately takes a near-term – three to five years – view in its analysis, since the intent is to spur action. The problem: Staying behind in the AI race India is languishing at the bottom of the artificial intelligence (AI) leaderboard when compared with its G20 peers. Other than exporting our best brains, our contributions have been tiny. Even as the gap between the United States and China on one side, and everyone else on the other widens, India's policymakers, researchers, and business leaders have shown little urgency. The first AI strategy document by the government was released in 2018, a year or so after China had released its detailed, target-linked AI plan. Five years later, India is still in the strategy and consultation phase, while China has left us behind. We need to shift gears. Our research surveyed the state of AI in India and evaluated various policy options. While there are many recommendations that can be made, we prefer those that are immediate and agile. Our big idea: BharatAI AI is mainstream. And, as the preceding sections have demonstrated, India needs to catch up. Fast. Industry leaders can wait for guidance from the government on a roadmap, with defined milestones, ample funds, and coordinated action among industry, the public sector, and academia. But India is not China. Disruptive change will come from the private sector. One approach is to launch a privately funded research lab that works on foundational models for AI. We call this lab BharatAI. This company, BharatAI, has the potential to become the hub of India's AI innovation ecosystem. Our initial estimate calls is for an investment of roughly $250 million over five years. But an unproven company that requires over $250 mn over five years with no defined product or revenue won’t be flush with investor cash. The mismatch between high upfront costs and a long horizon to recoup the investments, requires patient capital. Hence we propose a pooled investment approach. Similar to a venture capital (VC) fund, BharatAI’s investors will resemble limited partners (LPs) that park their money into this venture for a defined period, say 10 years. In return, they buy equity into the firm but are not involved in the company’s management. Investors into this company can be of three types. a. Strategic investment from India's large technology services companies b. Venture capital funds c. Private endowments The company will also have two other backers who will be critical for its success: a platform partner and the government. The company itself would focus on foundational AI problems with broad applicability. BharatAI should not attempt to develop end-to-end applications. It should instead provide tools through application programming interfaces (APIs) and open-source or licence its models. A single company, however, can not alter India’s AI trajectory. But it can make a sizeable dent in our efforts to overcome our handicaps. BharatAI can serve as a talent magnet for high-quality, high-demand engineers. A research lab that is closely tied to industry will also promote a culture of privately-led innovation. Finally, the Indian government is keen on expanding India stack – a set of open APIs and public digital goods – globally. Having an AI layer in the stack that offers countries an alternative to Big Tech capture will be a big benefit. The full document can be found here: https://takshashila.org.in/research/rebooting-ai-india This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit hightechir.substack.com

    6 मिनट
  7. Keeping up with the trends and times

    08/03/2023

    Keeping up with the trends and times

    Cyberpolitik: A Recurring Payments Nightmare — Bharath Reddy Have you tried to make a recurring card payment to a foreign merchant only to find that your card gets declined? This is not an issue with the card being maxed out; most international payments using Indian credit or debit cards don’t work because merchants find it too cumbersome to comply with India-specific regulations.  The Reserve Bank of India (RBI) mandated that from October 1st, 2021, for every recurring transaction below ₹5,000, banks must send a notification at least 24 hours before the renewal date. For amounts over ₹5,000, banks require a one-time password to authorise every transaction. The transaction mandate continues to be a recurring nightmare a year and a half since its introduction. While all recurring transactions faced severe disruptions initially, banks resolved the teething issues, and domestic payments worked after a few months. However, international payments continue to face issues. Publishing an impact assessment study and holding stakeholder consultations could have helped anticipate some problems beforehand. But since these mandates have already been implemented, some exemptions must be made so international payments can be functional again.  Exiting from subscriptions is often deliberately complicated, and people often remain subscribed to services they don’t use. Free trial periods sometimes turn into indefinite subscriptions when users forget to cancel. RBI’s mandate aimed to help customers keep track of their subscriptions and exit unwanted ones. However, implementing these requirements requires coordination across the value chain of consumers, banks, mandate processing platforms, payment aggregators, and merchants. This coordination has not been seamless, and the fallout has caused much pain to businesses and consumers. The most significant impact has been on businesses whose subscription revenue dried up. Despite the adequate notice given by the RBI, companies, both big and small, had little recourse. The list included OTT platforms, news organisations, non-profits, cloud service providers, and many others. The most significant impact has been on small bootstrapped businesses, which depend on revenue from subscriptions for their day-to-day operations. An additional burden for small subscription-based businesses is the effort that now goes towards manually processing the payments for what was once an automated process. The mandate also creates hurdles for Indians who subscribe to global content and services. Most international merchants do not comply with RBI’s regulations. In response to queries about declined payments from Indian subscribers, The New York Times has recommended using a valid US credit card for payments! International merchants with a significant Indian customer base might now start supporting UPI. Some might have a mobile app through which one can subscribe, but that would attract a 30% markup due to the commissions charged by Apple or Google. However, for most others, customers have no option. Such hurdles in transacting with global merchants limit customer choice and hinder the ease of doing business. During the transition period, individuals and organisations had to deal with the overhead of manually paying for subscriptions. To date, this continues to be a burden for international subscriptions or for transactions above the threshold for which a one-time password is required for each renewal. The threshold, however, has subsequently been revised to ₹15,000, which has eased some of the burdens. Before the mandate, there were problems with opting out of subscriptions in some situations, but it worked for most people. The impact of the mandates is unknown, but it has imposed concentrated costs on many businesses and consumers. Holding open consultations and inviting stakeholder comments can help anticipate most of these consequences. Publishing an impact assessment report also helps to build a consensus on the scope of the problem, the costs and benefits involved, and evaluate the impact of the policy. Since this involves multiple stakeholders across the value chain, coordination has been a challenge. Lower-cost interventions, such as requiring banks to provide consumers with the ability to view and manage their subscriptions, might have also addressed the issue without as many disruptions. However, it’s worth considering whether this is the RBI’s responsibility. As Andy Mukherjee says, “lopsided buyer-seller relationships are a consumer protection problem. The job of a central bank is to provide a well-oiled payment system while safeguarding the integrity of the financial network from money launderers, terrorists, scammers, and hackers. Its targets should not include Netflix Inc. or the New York Times”. It is unlikely that international merchants without a significantly large Indian customer base will take on the burden of complying with the mandates. It can get quite complex to comply with different regulatory requirements across geographies for the same payment service. Standards that have evolved might not be the most foolproof solution, but they are based on a consensus and ensure seamless interoperability. Given that these mandates have already been implemented across the country, RBI must create an exemption to ensure that international transactions can continue. Biopolitik: Growing US-China Competition in Biotechnology — Saurabh Todi During his remarks at the Special Competitive Studies Project Global Emerging Technologies Summit in February 2021, US NSA Jake Sullivan expressed concern about the potential risks associated with biotechnology. He stated that while biotechnology holds great promise for advancing science and medicine, it also enables the possibility of accidental or intentional misuse. Sullivan further emphasised the need for the responsible and ethical development of biotechnology, including robust regulatory frameworks and international cooperation to prevent the proliferation of dangerous biotechnology. He also called for increased investment in research and development to ensure that the US remained at the forefront of biotechnology innovation. These remarks indicated the seriousness with which the United States wants to maintain its biotechnology dominance vis-à-vis China. The US President, in September 2021, issued an Executive Order on Advancing Biotechnology and Biomanufacturing Innovation. The order aims to promote innovation and growth in the biotechnology and biomanufacturing industries. It established a national strategy for biotechnology research and development and initiatives to increase access to funding and support for small and disadvantaged businesses in the field. The order also aims to strengthen the biomanufacturing supply chain and promote collaboration between industry, government, and academic institutions to advance research and development in biotechnology. In September 2022, The United States government announced $2 billion in new investments and resources to advance its National Biotechnology and Biomanufacturing Initiative. The investment includes $1.5 billion in funding for research and development, including establishing seven new biomanufacturing institutes across the US. The remaining $500 million will be used to create public-private partnerships to help support the development of new biotechnology products and solutions. More recently, The US Department of Commerce added several units of Chinese genomics company BGI to its trade blacklist, citing concerns about their alleged ties to the Chinese military and its role in human rights abuses. The move follows earlier restrictions on BGI due to concerns about potential national security risks. The US government has expressed concerns about the Chinese government’s ability to access sensitive personal data collected by companies like BGI, as well as the potential for these companies to use their technologies for military or strategic purposes. The trade blacklist restricts US companies and organisations from exporting certain technologies to the listed companies without a licence from the US government. These steps seem to align with this report in the New York Times, which indicated last year that the Biden administration is mulling further export controls that would clamp down on China’s ability to access cutting-edge technologies. Just as US-China competition in semiconductors got accelerated due to sanctions imposed by the US, there is a possibility that similar export-control restrictions could be imposed on high-tech biotechnology. The new biotech competition is something to keep an eye on. Antariksh Matters: Setting your watch to Moon Time — Aditya Ramanathan Over the last couple of weeks, even casual followers of outer space news likely came across stories about scientists calling for a standard time for the Moon.  Comments from Pietro Giordano, an engineer at the European Space Agency, prompted the most recent spurt of stories. However, discussions began in earnest at least a year ago. More importantly, the need to agree upon a time-keeping standard is implicit in the ambitious plans that states and private enterprises have outlined for the Moon.  GPS for the Moon The most ambitious plans for lunar exploration come from the United States, led by its Artemis Program, which looks to create a sustained human presence on the Moon and use it as a springboard for the exploration of Mars. We’ve discussed Artemis and the governance problems it creates in previous editions of this newsletter. What is clear, however, is that Artemis, as well as other more modest programmes outlined by the Europeans, Japan, China, and Russia, would benefit from a reliable lunar navigation, timing and communications infrastructure. In theory, at least, such a system would greatly increase our ability to dispatch crewed and uncrewed missions to the far side of the Moon and the

    16 मिनट

  8. 22/02/2023

    #42 Technology and their starting problems

    Matsyanyaaya: Why Apple's teething troubles in India matter — Shailesh Chitnis Last year, between April and December, Apple exported more than $2.5bn worth of iPhones from India. Shipments during those eight months were nearly double the previous fiscal year’s (April 2021 - March 2022) total. For India’s “Make in India” ambitions, those numbers are promising. They are also tiny. According to Bloomberg Intelligence, in 2021, India produced 3 million iPhones. China produced 230 million units during the same period. The sizable difference between the two countries should give decoupling champions some pause. (Source: Financial Times) India, or any other country, cannot hope to dislodge the Chinese manufacturing Goliath anytime soon. Apple has a long history in China, going back to 2007. Unwinding its dependence will take time. The product is also highly complex to assemble. Indian contractors are learning this the hard way. Last month, the Financial Times reported that only half of all components produced at a Tata casing factory passed quality checks. The 50% yield compares poorly with Apple’s goal of zero defects. Some of these teething troubles are to be expected. Private players such as Tata and Foxconn, Apple’s assembly partner, have strong incentives to fix the problems. But it highlights the difficulty of building a complex manufacturing base in India. Building an iPhone requires an entire supply chain dedicated to moving components from one contractor to another quickly. In China, private contractors and the local government worked together to win Apple orders at all costs. India must show the same agility between the private and public sectors. Apple had redesigned the iPhone’s screen at the last minute, forcing an assembly line overhaul. New screens began arriving at the plant near midnight. A foreman immediately roused 8,000 workers inside the company’s dormitories, according to the executive. Each employee was given a biscuit and a cup of tea, guided to a workstation, and within half an hour started a 12-hour shift fitting glass screens into beveled frames. Within 96 hours, the plant was producing over 10,000 iPhones a day. From: Duhigg, (Charles & Bradsher, Keith) “How the U.S. Lost Out on iPhone Work”. The New York Times. 21 Jan 2012Investing in skilled labour is another imperative. During Apple’s early years in China, the company sent its product designers and engineers to the manufacturing units, sometimes for months at a time. It invested in building custom machinery for some of those contractors. Apple’s level of involvement with China had a transformative effect on the country’s manufacturing and technical capabilities. It spawned an entire network of companies that serviced Apple and its suppliers. The Indian government wants Apple to make a quarter of all its phones here by 2025. Getting there will require business and public services to scale up in ways they haven’t before. Apple’s investment in India is critical for both the company and the central government. The company has signalled its intention to wean off its China dependency by publicly embracing alternatives. For India, this is a test of its commitment to move “up the stack” in manufacturing. Failure here will have far-reaching consequences that go beyond a single device manufacturer. Antariksh Matters: What’s the matter with commercial space stations? — Pranav R Satyanath Last week, the United States National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA) released two new documents which outline expectations for new commercial space stations. The documents outline NASA’s operational and technical expectations from the new commercial space stations and add a new layer of nuance to NASA’s plan for transitioning from operating on the International Space Station (ISS) and conducting all Low Earth Orbit (LEO) operations on commercial space stations. The ISS is the largest human-built structure in the Earth’s orbit. It is also a really old structure, with the first module of the ISS being launched in 1998. The ISS is also a testament to international cooperation in space, as it brought together Canada, Europe, Japan, Russia and the United States to collaborate on a massive space project. The ISS has stood strong despite all the difficulties thrown at it — from geopolitical tensions to space debris. But it needs a replacement, perhaps before the end of this decade. To Bolding Go Commercial The retirement of the ISS was initially slated for 2024, but the National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA) plans to extend its life through 2030. To replace the ISS, however, NASA has taken a bold route and decided to place all its bets on commercial entities. Although the US made Artemis its primary space policy goal, it still maintains an interest in LEO. Under the Commercial LEO Development (CLD) programme, NASA aims to commercialise LEO activities by opening the ISS for commercial activities and transitioning to research commercially-owned space stations by 2030. Funding for new commercial space stations began in 2021 under the new CLD programme. NASA has funded three commercial entities to develop a private space station: • Blue Origin (with Sierra Space) for the Orbital Reef space station: $130 million. • Nanoracks (with Voyager Space Lockheed Martin) for the Starlab space station: $160 million. • Northrop Grumman for a free-flyer space station: $125.6 million. Further, NASA has also contracted Axiom Space for $140 million to develop and build a commercial module for the ISS over seven years. These new commercial stations will be far smaller than the ISS. They will, perhaps, also cater to customers beyond national space agencies and cater to space tourists and high-paying nations that do not have their own astronaut programmes. Getting Commercial Space Stations Going So what are the challenges of getting commercial space stations up into space? First, it’s the funding. When the ISS first came into being, it had already cost a billion dollars in the 1980s to complete initial designs. Even today, the ISS consumes about a $ 3.1 billion dollars each year for operations and maintenance. Commercial space stations, meanwhile, will have to operate in a substantially together financial situation. A 2021 report by NASA’s Inspector General warned that the CLD programme vastly underestimates the costs of developing commercial space stations and that NASA has set itself the ambitious goal of transitioning to private space stations by 2028.  Second, if NASA goes through with the CLD programme without international partners, it risks losing the long-standing international collaboration that it has built with the Canadian Space Agency, and European Space Agency and has held since the 1970s. In February 2022, for example, the head of ESA’s Washington office, Sylvie Espinasse, said that the idea of purchasing commercial services from American companies in the future would not be an entirely acceptable option for European partners. Finally, commercial space stations may not meet all of NASA’s space research requirements. The newly released documents, for example, highlight that the agency wants to conduct anywhere between 130-250 experiments each year. It also estimates to transfer of about 5000 km of cargo to commercial stations each year. Of course, NASA will likely be given priority on board the new space stations when they enter service. However, the agency might not have the same level of control or flexibility when operating in a station built by companies that also want to profit from activities such as tourism. The commercial space station programme we know today may turn out very differently five years later. After all, commercial space is new territory for everyone, including NASA. Cyberpolitik: First steps to better regulate military AI — Atharwa Sarnobat Artificial Intelligence, or AI, in recent days, has seen a resurgence of interest mainly due to the popularity of natural language AIs such as ChatGPT, which has captivated our imaginations with responses that simulate human conversations somewhat realistically. Similarly, governments around the world concerned with the use of AI in warfare convened for REAIM or the Summit on Responsible Artificial Intelligence in the Military Domain conference held at The Hague in the Netherlands. The joint conference was organised by the Netherlands and Korean governments and focused on the impact and regulation of AI in warfare. The conference was out together with three specific aspects in mind: * Countries wanted to understand how AI played a role in warfare. * Countries wanted to get a clear picture of AI’s current and potential future impact in warfare. * Participants of the conference wanted to gain clarity on what the current legislative situation looked like and how that could be remedied by recommending newer legislation that could properly govern AI in warfare.  The conference highlighted a few ideas and brought them to the forefront of the discourse around AI in warfare, such as the fact that autonomous weapons systems were great from a tactical perspective since they put fewer humans in the line of fire and they could potentially even take the jobs of peacekeepers in the future. It was also understood that while much of the world did not want “killer robots” on the battlefield, a complete ban could not be achieved since the genie could not be put back in the bottle, and these weapons systems were here to stay. The conference also recognised that the public discourse over the regulation of AI in warfare was severely lagging and that had to be remedied if effective laws governing its use were to be drafted and enacted by governments. It also noted that AI in warfare was a technological domain where nations were engaged in a technological arms race to main

    14 मिनट
सभी देखें (47)

परिचय

Exploring the intersection of technology and international relations from an Indian national interest perspective. hightechir.substack.com

जानकारी

  • निर्माता
    Pranay Kotasthane
  • सक्रिय वर्ष
    2021 - 2023
  • एपिसोड
    47
  • रेटिंग
    श्लील
  • कॉपीराइट
    © Takshashila Institution
  • कार्यक्रम की वेबसाइट
    Technopolitik