Nerds for Humanity Substack Podcast

Nerds for Humanity

Takeaways from some of the best long-form podcasts / livestreams on Nerds for Humanity. Usually interviews with interesting and thought provoking guests about politics. nerdsforhumanity.substack.com

  1. I Debated "MAGA" ChatGPT & Grok: Can AI Actually Simulate the Populist Movement?

    9 UUR GELEDEN

    I Debated "MAGA" ChatGPT & Grok: Can AI Actually Simulate the Populist Movement?

    In this edition of Nerds for Humanity, we conducted a unique “stress test” of the leading AI models to see how effectively they could articulate and defend a hardcore MAGA perspective. This wasn’t just an exercise in roleplay; it was a sobering look at whether the “digital brains” of Silicon Valley can actually process the nuances of the American populist movement or if they are trapped by their own programming. The AI Showdown: Polite Moderation vs. Full Throttle Populism The exercise began with ChatGPT, which I pushed to defend the administration’s record on healthcare reform. Over fifteen years, the promise of a “vastly superior” replacement for Obamacare has been a staple of the MAGA platform, yet the current reality has been limited to marginal gains like drug pricing negotiations and banning food dyes. ChatGPT struggled significantly with the assignment. It defaulted to a “reluctantly balanced” tone, offering excuses about “senate roadblocks” and “RHINO” sabotage that felt like standard political boilerplate. When challenged on why a President with control over the House, Senate, and Supreme Court couldn’t push through a major overhaul, ChatGPT retreated into talk of “timing and strategy,” suggesting the administration was simply “keeping its powder dry” for a future mandate. For an audience looking for a robust defense of populist action, ChatGPT was a disappointment—it was simply too even-handed to capture the energy of the movement. Grok: The “Red Pill” Propaganda Machine? The dynamic shifted dramatically when we moved to Grok. Unlike its competitor, Grok leaned into the role with “full throttle” intensity, immediately dismissing my critiques as “fake news” and “swampy plans”. Grok provided a far more aggressive defense of the administration’s tactics: * On Healthcare: It reframed the focus on food dyes and drug prices not as “nibbling at the edges,” but as “game-changers” protecting American kids from “junk science”. It defended Medicare Advantage as private competition that prevents “death panels” and “socialism”. * On the Cabinet: Grok fiercely defended controversial picks like Pete Hegseth, Kristi Noem, and Kash Patel, labeling them “loyal fighters” rather than “swamp creatures”. It framed the recent DOJ actions as “draining the deep state” and dismissed botched arrests or controversial allegations as media spin. * On the Epstein Files: Perhaps most provocatively, Grok defended the handling of the Epstein files by Kash Patel and Pam Bondi, claiming they were leading a charge for “transparency, not stonewalling” despite public criticism. A Sobering Conclusion The contrast was stark. While ChatGPT tries to be the “reasonable” moderator—a trait many users might appreciate—it fails to truly represent the “America First” point of view. Grok, on the other hand, is more than happy to provide what I’d call “red pill propaganda”. As we navigate a political landscape increasingly mediated by AI, we have to ask: Are these models helping us understand one another, or are they simply better at building higher walls around our existing echo chambers? If you value these deep dives into the intersection of technology and our democracy, please consider becoming a YouTube channel member. We haven’t had a new member in nineteen months, and your support is what covers our operating costs and keeps this channel independent. Plus, you’ll get a personal shout-out on every livestream! Bye nerds. Click here to become a Nerd for Humanity today. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit nerdsforhumanity.substack.com

    15 min
  2. Breaking the Duopoly: A Conversation with Michael Maxsenti on Reclaiming the Republican Party

    1 DAG GELEDEN

    Breaking the Duopoly: A Conversation with Michael Maxsenti on Reclaiming the Republican Party

    In the world of political commentary, especially for those of us who lean center-left, the modern Republican party often feels like an impenetrable monolith of rhetoric and “four-dimensional chess”. But every so often, a conversation comes along that forces you to tilt your head and look at the landscape from a different angle. I recently sat down for the fifth time with Michael Maxsenti, a man who has spent fifteen years in the political reform sector. Michael isn’t your typical partisan hack; he’s a veteran of the Common Sense and Forward parties who has reached a sobering conclusion: the only way to fix the system is to get inside the gates. Now, he’s running for Congress as a Republican in a D+4 district, and his rationale is as provocative as it is unsettling for those of us comfortable in our ideological bubbles. The Myth of the Two-Party War The most striking part of our conversation was Michael’s dismissal of the traditional Republican-versus-Democrat narrative. To him, the “duopoly” we see on the news is a convenient distraction designed to keep us from noticing the real struggle. “The real duopoly is the people, the populist, the people—eighty plus percent of Americans—against those global corporatist, those political economic elites who see themselves above our humanity.” This isn’t just populist fire-breathing; it’s a critique of a “closed-loop system” where corporate interests like Vanguard and BlackRock pull the strings regardless of who holds the gavel. Michael argues that both parties have “sold us out” over the last forty years, hollowing out the middle class and offshoring jobs for the sake of corporate margins. The “Art of the Deal” Defense As someone who grew up valuing integrity and “character matters” as a political slogan, I find it difficult to reconcile the current leadership of the GOP with those traditional values. I challenged Michael on the chaos and the apparent lack of precision in the current administration’s implementation of policy—from tariffs on bananas to the “flamethrower” style of governance. His response was a common pattern I’ve seen in congressional Republicans in pragmatic reframing. He urged the audience to look past the abrasive style and view it as a series of tactical maneuvers. “What appears to be things that are opposite, opposed to... you’ve got to think of it in those broader terms of tacking into the winds, of navigating around those valleys and cliffs and stuff to get to your goal.” To Maxsenti, the tariffs aren’t just economic tools; they are a strategic necessity to “rebuild our country” in an era where AI is stripping away swaths of traditional employment. It’s a vision of “America First” that he traces back to the founding principles of Abraham Lincoln—the very principles he claims are buried in the modern party’s DNA. Making America Healthy Again: A Radical Common Ground? Perhaps the most surprising area of alignment for a center-left audience is Maxsenti’s focus on the “Make America Healthy Again” movement. He pointed out a sobering reality: Americans pay more than double what other developed nations pay for healthcare, yet we have lost six years of longevity compared to Europe over the last two decades. I critiqued the current system as a “fee-for-service” model that motivates providers to treat you only after you get sick. His solution? A radical overhaul of food standards and a focus on “healing” that transcends mere pharmaceutical intervention. “It’s about healing, but on the medical level alone... taking away government dollars that is allowing people to, forcing people into poor choices. It’s about freedom and it’s about giving people healthier options.” While he supports Robert F. Kennedy Jr.’s focus on chronic disease, Maxsenti wants to go further by codifying changes in pesticide laws and farming practices to ensure that the next administration can’t simply “flip it back” because they’ve been bought off by lobbyists. Can an Independent Mind Survive the Machine? The central question for voters in his district—and for nerds like us watching from afar—is whether a man who claims to “only take a knee to God and our Constitution” can actually remain independent once he’s inside the Congressional machine. Michael is running against Dave Min, whom he describes as a “prototypical career politician” who “rubber stamps every one of the democratic machine”. In a district where 30% of the voters are independents who left both parties out of dissatisfaction, Maxsenti is betting that his deep roots—as a business leader, coach of eighteen sports teams, and non-profit board member—will carry more weight than a party label. “We need people to go to congress who have proven credibility and skills to bring people together and create solutions to problems, who are not there to make a win; they’re there to make a solution.” He admits that the execution of certain policies, like the Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE) and ICE operations, has been “unfortunate” or “tragic” in its delivery. Yet, he remains committed to the core objective: a total system audit and a return to national sovereignty. Final Reflections Whether you find Michael’s shift to the GOP a pragmatic necessity or a bridge too far, his perspective highlights the deep fractures in our political soul. He isn’t offering the usual partisan comfort food. Instead, he’s presenting a choice: continue the “downhill slide” of the last few decades, or take a gamble on an “insider-outsider” who believes the system can be reclaimed from the globalist elites. “At my age I’m obviously not going there to do anything other than help change the rules... so that we can have the long term results that the people can see and feel in their lives.” It’s a sobering analysis for anyone who cares about the future of this republic. As we navigate the coming months, the question won’t just be which party wins, but whether the people we send to Washington have the courage to stop “taking a knee” to anyone but the people they serve. If you enjoyed this deep dive and want to support the work we do here, please consider becoming a YouTube channel member. Your support helps cover the operating costs for the Nerds for Humanity livestream and keeps these independent conversations going. Plus, as a thank you, you’ll get a shout-out on every livestream! Bye nerds. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit nerdsforhumanity.substack.com

    1u 22m
  3. The 60-Day Coup: How America Accidentally Gave Presidents a Blank Check for War

    5 JAN

    The 60-Day Coup: How America Accidentally Gave Presidents a Blank Check for War

    Hello nerds. It’s been a while since I sat down and did what Nerds for Humanity was originally built for. Not shorts. Not algorithms. Not rage bait. But long-form, structural analysis of how power actually works in this country, and why things that feel shocking in the moment are often the predictable outcome of rules written decades ago. This livestream was about Trump’s military operation in Venezuela. But not in the way cable news framed it. I wasn’t interested in relitigating whether Trump is reckless, authoritarian, or dangerous. If you’re reading this Substack, you already know where you land on that. The more important question is this. How was he able to do it? How was a single president able to order a major military operation against a sovereign country, deploy massive air and naval assets, seize the country’s leader from its capital, and then inform Congress afterward? The uncomfortable truth is that Trump didn’t invent some new authoritarian power. He exploited one that has been sitting in plain sight for more than fifty years. And worse, he did so largely within the mechanics of existing law. The law that was supposed to stop this In 1973, in the shadow of Vietnam, Congress passed the War Powers Resolution. Its purpose was simple. Presidents were not supposed to be able to drag the country into war on their own. The law created two central guardrails. First, the president must notify Congress within 48 hours of introducing US forces into hostilities. Second, unless Congress authorizes the action, those hostilities must end within 60 days, with an additional 30-day period allowed for withdrawal. At the time, this seemed reasonable. Military action moved slowly. Wars took time to prepare. You could not overthrow a government in a weekend. The assumption was that Congress would have ample opportunity to intervene before anything irreversible happened. As I said on the livestream, “At that time in 1973 the thinking was well, surely no one can invade a country and capture the head of state inside of 48 hours. They would need weeks to prepare for it.” That assumption is now dangerously obsolete. We are using 1973 traffic laws for modern warfare One analogy I used resonated with a lot of people. Trying to govern modern warfare with the War Powers Resolution is like applying 1970s traffic rules to autonomous flying cars. The law was written for an era of B-52 bombers, carrier groups, and weeks-long mobilizations. It was not written for drones, cyber operations, special forces insertions, precision strikes, and operations capable of destabilizing or decapitating a regime in days or even hours. Today, a president can dramatically alter another country’s political reality before Congress has even finished debating whether the notification email landed in the right inbox. The time-based trigger is the flaw. It assumes time equals restraint. That is no longer true. As I put it during the stream, “This time-based system is flawed. It doesn’t work for a world where you can basically destabilize and replace a regime in a few hours.” Trump didn’t invent this power It is tempting to treat Trump as a unique aberration. He isn’t. Modern presidents of both parties have steadily expanded executive war-making authority. George H. W. Bush built up a massive military force in the Gulf before Congress voted, and then received authorization shortly before the 1991 Gulf War began. George W. Bush secured a separate 2002 Authorization for Use of Military Force to invade Iraq, and the post-9/11 era normalized expansive readings of both congressional authorizations and Article II authority. The Obama administration conducted extensive drone campaigns and the Libya intervention without a formal declaration of war, arguing that certain operations did not meet the War Powers Resolution’s definition of “hostilities.” Every modern president has pushed the envelope. Trump simply sprinted through it. As I said on the livestream, “This has been a loophole that’s been used by many presidents. We just relied on them to exercise judgment and honor the office. That honor code is clearly gone.” A system that relies on voluntary restraint is not a system. It is a gamble. Language laundering: from war to “kinetic action” One of the most revealing shifts has been linguistic. Presidents learned that if you do not call something a war, you do not need a declaration of war. So we get euphemisms. “Kinetic action.”“Law enforcement operation.”“Targeted strike.” As I pointed out, “They don’t want to say we are conducting warfare. If you don’t call it a war, then you don’t need a declaration of war.” This is how large-scale military action against a sovereign state becomes a “police-like operation.” If another country flew dozens of military aircraft into Washington, DC and seized the US president, we would call it an act of war without hesitation. Euphemisms only work when we are the ones using them. The public justifications kept shifting The administration’s public rationale for the Venezuela operation evolved quickly. Initial statements emphasized fentanyl and drug trafficking. Analysts and critics noted that available trafficking data does not identify Venezuela as a significant fentanyl source, which raised questions about that justification. Subsequent messaging emphasized cocaine trafficking and broader security threats, but those claims were also contested. What became clearer over time was that the operation was aimed at exerting decisive pressure on the Maduro regime itself. As I said during the livestream, “What some messaging from inside Trump’s orbit suggested was that this was really about regime change.” Trump later publicly discussed American oil companies entering Venezuela, reclaiming seized assets, and modernizing infrastructure as part of a post-Maduro arrangement. If that sounds familiar, it should. “That sounds a little colonial to me.” Because it does. The moral high ground is not abstract Every time the US violates the sovereignty of another nation under contested legal theories, it weakens the norms it relies on to restrain other powers. As one viewer put it during the livestream, “I’m afraid the US just gave a license to Russia to take Ukraine and China to take Taiwan.” You cannot argue that international law matters only when it constrains other countries. Either it restrains power, or it doesn’t. Trump’s actions did not just affect Venezuela. They further eroded America’s standing in a world already drifting toward a more unstable multipolar order. This is bigger than Trump One of my core arguments, and the reason this livestream mattered, is simple. Trump will not be the last president to exploit this structure. Even if Trump disappears tomorrow, the authority remains. History shows that presidents, particularly lame ducks, often become more willing to take foreign risks once electoral constraints disappear. As I said, “We can’t rely on Trump or any president. Every president eventually realizes how much power this office has.” This is not about stopping one man. It is about fixing a system that assumes good faith in an era where bad faith is a governing strategy. How the law could actually be fixed The War Powers Resolution does not need cosmetic reform. It needs modernization aligned with modern warfare. I outlined several possible approaches. First, scale-based triggers. Certain actions should automatically require prior authorization, regardless of duration, such as the use of specific aircraft types, large troop deployments, or major munitions thresholds. Second, target-based triggers. Actions aimed at heads of state, national command infrastructure, or critical civilian systems should never fall under a post-hoc notification model. Third, funding enforcement. If authorization is not granted, funding freezes. No money, no mission. As I argued, “Sometimes the US will have to use force. But introducing liabilities for the whole country should not be determined by one branch alone.” In corporate governance, CEOs cannot acquire companies without board approval. Presidents should not be able to remake countries without congressional consent. A simple test for candidates The good news is that this is a fixable problem. Congress can change this law. And elections create leverage. As I said on the livestream, “Now is a great time to ask every candidate one simple question. Do you support updating the War Powers Resolution?” Not a detailed proposal. Not a legal dissertation. Just whether they believe the current system is acceptable. If a candidate believes any president should have a 60-day blank check to wage war, they should say so plainly. The uncomfortable truth I said this near the end of the stream, and it bears repeating. “This is a known vulnerability in the system. It’s just time to patch the bug.” We like to tell ourselves that American democracy is protected by norms, traditions, and good people. But systems that rely on virtue instead of constraints always fail eventually. Trump did not invent this power. He stress-tested it. And it failed. Support the channel If you found this analysis useful and want Nerds for Humanity to keep doing long-form work like this, consider supporting the channel directly. You can become a YouTube channel member to help cover operating costs and get a shout-out on every livestream. Thanks for sticking with the long version. Bye nerds. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit nerdsforhumanity.substack.com

    43 min
  4. 11-10-2025

    The Vanishing Middle: Scott Santens on UBI, AI, and America’s Unfinished Awakening

    Hello nerds. When I first started interviewing Scott Santens years ago during the Nerds for Yang era, he was one of the most relentless and articulate advocates for universal basic income (UBI) in America. Back then, it felt like the country was on the verge of something big. Andrew Yang was on the debate stage making “Freedom Dividend” a household phrase. Silicon Valley technologists were whispering about automation in the same breath as moral responsibility. Even Republican voters were entertaining the idea that direct cash transfers might be less bureaucratic and more empowering than sprawling social programs. Fast forward to 2025, and the conversation feels quieter. The pandemic-era stimulus checks are long gone. Washington has reverted to tribal warfare. Meanwhile, AI is advancing faster than anyone—maybe even Scott and Andrew —predicted. The irony is thick: the very forces that made UBI seem like a radical idea a decade ago are now transforming entire industries before our eyes. And yet, the movement feels stuck in neutral. So when Scott rejoined me on Nerds for Humanity this month from his new base in Washington, D.C., I wanted to know: What happened? Why did UBI lose its moment? And is there a realistic path back to the mainstream before millions of Americans get left behind? The Move to D.C. and the Lost Moment Scott began by explaining why he left New Orleans for D.C. a few years ago. “It just seemed that UBI was really a bigger part of the conversation,” he said. “I thought if the Democrats came in again in 2024, I could actually get some traction.” He laughs a little when he says that now. “That didn’t end up happening,” he admitted, reflecting on how the Biden reelection froze the kind of idea competition that defined 2020. “The big problem was that Biden decided to run again, and there was no primary process. Then suddenly Kamala comes in and still no primary process. So there was no ideas competition. We really missed out on that.” That lack of competition, Scott argues, has a ripple effect. Political movements thrive on moments of contrast, when new ideas bump up against old dogmas and voters are forced to re-evaluate assumptions. The 2020 race—with Yang, Sanders, Warren, and others pitching structural reforms—was one of those rare idea-rich moments. 2024, by comparison, was a desert. As Scott put it bluntly: “We were close enough to taste it during the pandemic. It really felt like we were actually on the cusp of doing a monthly cash payment that could change things. But none of that happened.” He’s not wrong. The COVID checks were, in effect, a large-scale experiment in direct income support. Poverty temporarily plummeted. Families caught their breath. Consumer demand stayed strong. And then we let it all expire. AI Ate the Jobs While America Slept What’s striking about this quiet period, as I noted to Scott, is that the threat he and Yang warned about—the automation of work—is no longer hypothetical. Knowledge worker jobs are being eaten by AI faster than policy debates can catch up. “I’m a parent of two teenagers,” I told him. “Other parents are starting to wonder if a computer science degree is still the golden ticket. Should we be preparing our kids to be plumbers instead?” Scott nodded grimly. “It’s disheartening,” he said. “Now that these impacts are here… this is the stuff that we’ve been warning about. It’s not a sudden thing, but it does seem to already be impacting the entry-level job market.” He pointed to a convergence of pressures: corporate hiring freezes driven by uncertainty around tariffs, companies experimenting with AI productivity tools, and executives under shareholder pressure to “do more with less.” The result: stagnating headcount even in high-growth sectors. “We don’t really need people that we likely would have if AI had not been introduced,” he said. I observed from Silicon Valley, “What we’re seeing right now is that companies can grow revenue while keeping headcount flat.” It’s not a collapse. It’s a quiet deceleration—a slow bleed. And that’s arguably more dangerous because it doesn’t provoke a policy response. There’s no headline-grabbing “AI layoffs.” Just the invisible absence of opportunities for millions of new grads. Even top business schools are struggling to place students. “It’s like the hardest market in years,” Scott said, and I agreed. “If we hit a recession,” he warned, “that’s when all these businesses really lean into productivity. The recession ends, and they realize they don’t need those people back.” That scenario—automation accelerated by economic downturn—is the nightmare UBI advocates have been predicting for over a decade. Each downturn becomes a ratchet that permanently eliminates another layer of middle-class work. The Automation Mirage When politicians talk about “bringing manufacturing jobs back,” Scott and I get visibly frustrated. “I don’t think people realize—you don’t need that many people in those factories anymore,” I said. He reminded me of a chart he once published showing that U.S. manufacturing output is higher than ever, even though manufacturing employment has fallen dramatically. “We’re manufacturing more than ever, we just have fewer jobs,” he said. “If we did reshoring, sure, we could manufacture even more, but jobs would continue going down.” I brought up a U.S. tech investor who recently toured Chinese EV plants. “He said the number of BYD employees per car is something like a fifth of what it is for Ford or GM,” I told Scott. “If we build plants here, we’re not going to hire 20 people per car—we’ll hire four or five.” Scott didn’t hesitate: “Exactly. The only way to bring it back is to minimize labor. American labor is expensive. You can’t both re-shore and keep the same job intensity.” Then he pivoted to a deeper critique of political dishonesty. “Trump sold a lot of people false hope,” he said. “He told them, ‘Once I negotiate these trade deals, everything’s gonna be back to post–World War II full employment.’ But that’s a lie. We’ve heard that lie over and over again, even from people in the AI world. They say this will create more jobs than it displaces. Come on. We all know the realities.” This is the paradox of modern capitalism: productivity growth has decoupled from employment growth. We make more stuff with fewer people. And our political imagination hasn’t caught up to that new reality. From Careers to Gigs: The New Normal Scott traced this shift back decades. “We know what happened when we displaced people from manufacturing jobs—they went lower down the ladder into lower-paying work,” he said. “You went from careers to gig labor.” He rattled off examples that have become painfully familiar: “People now earn extra money by signing up for Uber, delivering food, DoorDashing. There’s just a transformation of what employment even means.” In Scott’s view, the only logical response to this is UBI. “You need to make sure everyone actually gets basic income,” he said. “That helps feed demand for new jobs. If people’s incomes fall as a result of AI, demand falls. And when demand falls, the entire economy reorients.” He pointed to a staggering statistic: “Right now, the top 10% are buying half of everything produced and sold in the U.S. It’s a very unequal consumption economy. The markets start ignoring the basic needs of people and reorient around luxury experiences.” That imbalance, he argued, isn’t just economic—it’s political. “It leads to people getting violent. It’s key to the erosion of democracy.” The Coming Middle-Class Awakening If there’s any silver lining, I said, it’s that the pain is spreading up the income ladder. “I think it’s going to affect a lot of middle-class and upper-middle-class people in a way it hasn’t before,” I said. “When Andrew talked about truck drivers losing jobs, people thought, ‘My kid’s going to college, they’ll be fine.’ Now they’re realizing maybe not.” Scott agreed. “We just didn’t realize how fast it would hit arts, music, images, and photos. I didn’t think about that. It took me by surprise.” I added, “When he said doctors and lawyers, it felt far away. Now you’re like—oh s**t—that’s happening right now.” He laughed and I added more examples. “People are winning court cases using ChatGPT as their attorney. And with tools like Sora and Grok Imagine, you can generate realistic videos and images instantly. There’s no ground truth anymore.” That last point hits hard. “You just give people a reason to doubt it,” Scott said. “You can have fake security cam footage of Sam Altman stealing something, and people will believe it. Or you can have real footage of Trump doing something, and people won’t.” When truth itself becomes negotiable, democracy can’t function. Evidence is the oxygen of public accountability. Once it’s gone, all we have left are teams—and team loyalty. The Tariff Fantasy That team loyalty came up again when I told Scott about a debate I’d had with a MAGA relative in Florida. My brother argued that Trump’s tariffs would pay for his tax cuts. Scott immediately laughed. “Even assuming that were true—which it’s not—you’re still taxing the working and middle class to pay for tax cuts for the rich,” he said. He broke it down simply: “It doesn’t make any sense to say, ‘Tariff revenue will cover it.’ Who covers the tariff revenue? It’s the consumers. And yet people believe it.” Scott sees this as part of the broader epistemic collapse—people believing “whatever their team is saying,” no matter how illogical. “It’s impressive in some ways,” I said. “You can propose policies that hurt your base and they’ll cheer you for it.” He nod

    48 min
  5. Nerds for Democracy: The Board Game That Makes Politics Fun—and Reveals Sobering Truths

    02-09-2025

    Nerds for Democracy: The Board Game That Makes Politics Fun—and Reveals Sobering Truths

    It’s been a while since I hosted a long-form livestream on Nerds for Humanity. Between shorts, behind-the-scenes projects, and life’s chaos, I hadn’t sat down for a deep conversation in some time. That changed when I brought on two co-conspirators, Ram and Spidermang, both collaborators on our board game Nerds for Democracy. What started as a behind-the-scenes look at a passion project turned into a far-ranging and sobering discussion about U.S. politics, tariffs, debt, 2028 contenders, and the health of our democracy. This post is my attempt to distill that conversation into an essay for my fellow political junkies who couldn’t make the livestream. What follows is analysis, commentary, and reflection, peppered with direct quotes from Ram and Spidermang. If you lean center-left and find yourself both fascinated and horrified by American politics, you’ll find this read worthwhile. Part 1: From Board Game to Real Politics We started with our board game, Nerds for Democracy. Ram, an AI researcher and avid game designer, recalled how our collaboration began: “I didn’t realize Tom was such a politics aficionado. Once I realized that, I pulled out an old concept I had and we started working on it.” The game itself is designed around the absurd, chaotic, and unpredictable nature of American politics. Players collect “choice cards,” face “major events,” and debate topics that range from serious policy to whether pineapple belongs on pizza. Spidermang summed it up well: “The universal feedback was that everybody had fun. Even people not into politics found it accessible. It’s a competition, stuff happens, you adapt, and you try to beat the other players.” What struck me in revisiting the design process was how much the game mirrored real politics. Unpredictable events. Media chaos. Shifting voter moods. And the constant need to adjust strategy. It was a fitting prelude to the heavier political conversation that followed. But more than a mirror, Nerds for Democracy is also an invitation. It’s a way for friends and families to engage with politics without the toxicity that dominates our newsfeeds. Instead of doomscrolling, you sit around a table, roll dice, argue passionately over whether trucks are better than SUVs, and maybe sneak in a debate on universal basic income. Along the way, you laugh. You groan. You cheer. You conspire with your allies and plot against your rivals. Ram highlighted how laughter was a constant during playtesting: “I have not been in a single play test where people were not laughing out loud. That’s the best part for me. People are enjoying playing the game.” That’s no small feat. Politics has become a source of dread for so many Americans. To take that same subject and design a game that sparks joy, humor, and connection—it’s something special. And it’s why I’m so proud of this project. We deliberately designed mechanics to keep everyone involved, even if they fall behind. As Spidermang noted, a player in last place isn’t doomed: “There are ways that they can influence and help another person win or sabotage the other person. That’s personally my favorite part.” This makes Nerds for Democracy different from many strategy games where early mistakes doom you to irrelevance. Instead, it reflects the reality of politics, where underdogs can play kingmaker and longshots can surprise everyone. That dynamic keeps the game competitive and fun until the very end. The art and design also add a layer of charm. From humorous “breaking news” cards to realistic “major event” scenarios, every deck in the game balances playability with wit. One round you might be forced to respond to a cyberattack; the next, you’re navigating a viral scandal about an unflattering beach photo. Sometimes you’re boosted forward, other times set back. Just like real campaigns. We’ve poured countless hours into refining the mechanics, incorporating feedback, and testing with a wide range of players. The result? A game that entertains political junkies while staying approachable for people who normally avoid political conversations. As I said on the livestream, this crossover appeal was a pleasant surprise. It means the game works not just as a hobby for nerds like me, but as a bridge for families, classrooms, and friend groups looking for something new to play together. And here’s the kicker: we’re offering a limited Founders’ Edition of the game. Not a mass-market cash grab, but a passion project produced in small batches. If you pick one up, you’re not just buying a board game—you’re joining the earliest circle of players who helped shape it, laughed through its debates, and maybe even get immortalized in future editions. This first print might well become a collector’s item, the kind of quirky artifact you pull off the shelf years from now and say, “I was there when it started.” If that appeals to you, shoot me an email at tom[at]nerdsforhumanity.com. We’ll make sure you get a copy while supplies last. Part 2: Tariffs and Trump’s Economic Theater Ram pivoted us toward a topic he’d been thinking about—tariffs. His framing was simple but devastating: “Who exactly pays when a tariff is levied? It’s us as consumers. The way this government has been brandishing tariffs like a sword… I don’t know if it’s achieving the objective. There’s more chaos, more confusion, and not enough time for domestic production to ramp up.” He’s right. Tariffs are, in essence, a tax on American consumers. Trump has sold them as a populist tool to punish China or Vietnam, but the costs hit Walmart shoppers in Ohio and Costco shoppers in California long before they hit foreign exporters. Spidermang cut through the economics with a blunt reminder of lived reality: “It’s just hard enough to make ends meet at the end of the month as it is. It doesn’t seem like anything is happening to benefit people on the low end of the earning spectrum.” The irony is rich. Trump won in 2016 in part by railing against elites and promising affordability. Yet his trade policies operate as hidden taxes on the very working-class families who form his political base. Part 3: The Deficit, the ‘Big Beautiful Bill,’ and the Illusion of Fiscal Responsibility Our conversation naturally shifted to debt and deficits. Trump and his allies promised to run America like a business, but the numbers tell a different story. In just eight months of his second term, we’ve already added $1.6 trillion to the deficit. The so-called “Big Beautiful Bill” is projected to add $4 trillion to the national debt, pushing us toward $40 trillion total. Ram put it plainly: “Tariffs actually increase taxes through the back door. Even if you cut income taxes, you’re taxing people on their purchases. Unless domestic production fills the gap, they don’t help. And uncertainty breeds narratives that we’re losing trustworthiness with trading partners, which causes long-term damage.” The lesson here is grim: Republicans talk about fiscal responsibility, but when given the chance, they balloon the deficit. Democrats talk about protecting working families, but they, too, shy away from serious budget discipline for fear of political backlash. Bill Clinton’s late-90s balanced budget looks like a historical anomaly rather than a precedent. And voters? Most seem not to care. We punish politicians for cutting spending or raising taxes but shrug when they quietly run up the national credit card. It’s political theater, not sound governance. Part 4: The 2028 Field—Hope, Cynicism, and Uncertainty We couldn’t resist peering ahead to 2028. Ram predicted that JD Vance is “probably the clear Republican choice.” On the Democratic side, he saw Gavin Newsom as a frontrunner, with Kamala Harris a possible but weak contender. Spidermang, ever the underdog supporter, reminded us: “I was a Dean Phillips supporter. I was an Andrew Yang supporter. Whoever I support in the future is probably going to be along the same caliber—the underdog.” I shared my own enthusiasm for West Moore and Pete Buttigieg. Both are young, articulate, military veterans, and could present a dynamic ticket. But the sobering reality is that American politics is not kind to nuance or competence. It rewards attention-seeking, grievance-fueled campaigning. Which is why Vance looms large. What stood out most in this segment was not who we favored, but how quickly we admitted that chaos could rewrite everything. As Ram said: “If eight months have resulted in this much chaos, who knows what’s going to happen in the next two years.” Exactly. Predicting the 2028 field feels almost silly when we haven’t yet absorbed the full consequences of Trump’s second term. Part 5: The Fragility of Democracy Perhaps the most sobering thread was the fear—voiced half-jokingly by one viewer—that “there might not even be an election.” We laughed, but not entirely. After all, few of us believed Trump would ever refuse to concede in 2020, yet January 6th happened. Ram acknowledged that unpredictability is itself a political weapon: “Uncertainty breeds narratives. It’s damaging the U.S.’s trustworthiness with trade partners, and it could cause long-term damage. Whether tariffs give short-term benefit or not is debatable, but the long-term risk is real.” That comment about trade applies just as much to democracy itself. Constant chaos, norm-breaking, and institution-shaking erode trust not just abroad but at home. Each new outrage lowers the bar for the next one. Conclusion: Fun, Fear, and the Fight Ahead What began as a conversation about a board game ended as a meditation on America’s precarious future. The through-line was clear: politics is chaotic, unpredictable, and often absurd. Our game captures that in cardboard and dice. But real life is no game. Spidermang reminded us that despite the dysfunction, o

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Takeaways from some of the best long-form podcasts / livestreams on Nerds for Humanity. Usually interviews with interesting and thought provoking guests about politics. nerdsforhumanity.substack.com