Rights in Russia

Rights in Russia

Discussing human rights in Russia [in Russian and sometimes English].

  1. 3d ago

    Podcast Then & Now #44: Teresa Cherfas in conversation with Anna Nemzer

    Welcome to the 44th edition of the Russian-language podcast Then & Now with me, Teresa Cherfas. Our guest today is Anna Nemzer – a journalist at TV Rain, an archivist and one of the protagonists of Julia Lokteva’s documentary My Undesirable Friends, the second part of which was recently screened at the London Film Festival. Anna Nemzer currently lives and works in London. Our conversation was recorded on 29 October 2026. That very day, Novaya gazeta was ordered to vacate its offices by 9 November and banned from fundraising. Today its editorial staff published a statement: ‘They killed us. On November 9, we will turn off the lights in the home where we have lived for 30 years, shut down our servers, and leave. The newspaper no longer exists. Russian authorities and Russian security services forced the editorial staff to stop working.’ Questions What was the concept behind Julia Loktev’s film the project right from the start? You were the one she first contacted about it. Tell us a little about the process: how did you select the people who appear in the film? How did you film them? Did the director have any guiding principles that you followed while making the film? When I watched the first part of the film, I was close to tears – I felt so sorry and upset that Russia is being deprived of such bright, talented, intelligent young people, making them feel compelled to leave. What thoughts come to mind when you think about this? In the first part of the film, it emerges that you and your family were planning a 10-day trip; the tickets had already been bought, you were all set to fly out on 24th February. Tell us how you found out about the announcement of the so-called ‘Special Military Operation’ and what thoughts went through your mind at that moment. By the second part of the film My Undesirable Friends, everyone is scattered across different countries. Describe how you look back on that time. There is a very difficult scene in the film where you are talking to your father in Moscow. He is ill and you realise that you cannot help him or be by his side. He dies a couple of weeks later. How did you take this news, and how did you cope with it? Later, we see a scene in the kitchen where there is tension between you and your husband. How did your situation affect your family relationships? Is this the human cost of exile? The film sees some of the protagonists blaming themselves for what happened to Russia; that whilst you were enjoying a carefree, comfortable life, you weren’t paying attention to what was really happening in the country. Do you blame yourself for what happened in Russia? You stopped working as a journalist for TV Rain. When did this happen and what was the reason? Tell us about your new projects – first RIMA, then Kronika – both of which are linked to the preservation of archival material that you consider important. The second part of the film My Unreliable Friends recently premiered in the US. Are you surprised that it’s been so well received there? Are there parallels to be drawn between America now and what happened to you and the other journalists in the film? You’re currently living in London with your daughter. What brought you here, and how are you finding life in England? What would you say to those who criticise people who have left Russia, claiming that there’s now no one left to protest and stand up to authoritarianism? How do you see your future? Is it linked to Russia?

    Podcast Then & Now #44: Teresa Cherfas in conversation with Anna Nemzer
  2. Oct 8

    Podcast Then & Now #43: Teresa Cherfas in conversation with Linor Goralik

    Welcome to the 43rd edition of the Russian-language podcast Then & Now with me, Teresa Cherfas Today our guest is the poet, writer, artist and activist Linor Goralik. Linor was born into a Jewish family in 1975 in Dnipropetrovsk. In 1989 her family emigrated to Israel. From 2000 to 2014, Linor lived and worked in Moscow. After that, she divided her time between Israel and Russia until November 2021. In March 2022, just two weeks after the start of the so-called ‘Special Military Operation’, Linor Goralik travelled to Tbilisi, Yerevan and Istanbul before returning to Israel – to Tel Aviv and Jerusalem – documenting the mass exodus of people from Russia triggered by the full-scale invasion of Ukraine. She subsequently presented these people’s testimonies in a bilingual publication by the Tamizdat Project entitled Exodus-22. The book was published last year. ‘In March 2022, after the full-scale invasion of Russian forces into Ukraine, I went on a trip that took me from Israel to Tbilisi to Yerevan to Istanbul and back to Israel. I hoped to take notes on this ‘Exodus-22’ – that is, to create a record of people leaving Russia over the course of these weeks. This experience was incredibly important for me, and I am endlessly grateful to the people who met with me, spoke with me, and helped me work with this material. I should add that all of the Ns in these notes are different people, and the order of the notes for each location is roughly chronological’ – Linor Goralik ‘Exodus-22 | Исход-22’ is published by the Tamizdat project Questions Do you remember your initial reaction when you heard the news about Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine? What prompted you to set off on this journey? You started in Tbilisi. Tell us what you found there and how you began working with your interviewees. After Tbilisi, you travelled to Yerevan. Did you notice a difference in the way Russian immigrants were received there? You decided to refer to all your interviewees, without exception, as ‘N’. Why? There’s a very palpable sense of disorientation in your interviewees’ conversations, regardless of where they are. Is this the experience of refugees everywhere or are there specific characteristics that are particular to Russians? Did you observe any similarities in your respondents’ reflections whilst carrying out your research? Many of those you spoke to are parents. What, in your view, lies in store for their children’s generation? You yourself emigrated to Israel with your parents at a young age. Did you identify with their situation when you listened to their answers to your questions? Among the new immigrants from Russia, is there a noticeable difference in attitudes between Jews and Russians? Russians who left Russia after February 2022 are often accused of having an imperialist mindset. Is this justified, in your view? Has their understanding of what it means to be Russian changed? Did you sense any hope for Russia’s future? The word ‘mosaic’ is often used to describe your book. Did you deliberately set out to present the experience of the new wave of Russian emigration in this way? Is there a connection between your work and, say, the work of Svetlana Alexievich or Teffi? In his review of Exodus-22, Ilya Utekhin wrote: ‘Diary entries preserve the contours of a moment before it becomes frozen in narrative, before a feeling is transformed into theory.’ Could you name some “moments” that surprised you in your conversations with your various ‘N’s?

    Podcast Then & Now #43: Teresa Cherfas in conversation with Linor Goralik
  3. Jun 2

    Podcast Then & Now #42: Teresa Cherfas in conversation with Masha Slonim

    Pictured: Masha Slonim 28 May 2026 Welcome to the 42nd edition of the Russian-language podcast Then & Now with me, Teresa Cherfas I’m one of thousands of Facebook followers of Russian-British journalist Masha Slonim. Masha and I met forty years ago when we were colleagues at the BBC Russian Service. Scrolling through Facebook a couple of weeks ago, I unexpectedly discovered that Masha’s cousin, Nina Litvinova, had died. It was May 13. The next day, May 14, Masha posted again: “Today, RIA Novosti reported, citing law enforcement sources, that our sister Nina Litvinova had taken her own life. In other words, the cops leaked this information. They also wrote that Nina had left a handwritten suicide note.” Masha then published excerpts from Nina’s suicide note, explaining: “Of course, no one—neither RIA nor Gazeta.ru, which reported this—will publish the note…’ The note speaks of a feeling of helplessness, of the number of people in prison for not supporting the war against Ukraine, of how life had become unbearable.  Of her shame that she had given up, surrendered.  Nina Litvinova On the evening of 12 May 2026, at the age of 80, Nina, a human rights activist and academic, was found unconscious beneath the windows of her apartment building on 3rd Frunzenskaya Street in Moscow. Clearly,  Nina had thrown herself out of the window. I found the story haunting,  and not just because I could imagine where and how it happened—I had lived on 3rd Frunzenskaya Street when I worked in Moscow in 1998. I wanted to understand why Nina Litvinova’s act had had such an effect not only on me, but on so many others—both those who knew her and those who didn’t—in Putin’s Russia and beyond. I asked Masha to talk about her sister and the significance of her decision to take her own life. QUESTIONSMasha, how did you find out that Nina had died? Did you understand straightaway what had happened?You published excerpts from the letter Nina left her family and loved ones. What do you make of her final note?You grew up with Nina in Moscow—tell us about your family. Your grandfather was Maxim Litvinov, Stalin’s People’s Commissar for Foreign Affairs from 1930 to 1939. How did you understand his role in the history of the Soviet Union?Nina’s older brother was Pavel Litvinov, who on August 25, 1968, took part in the “Demonstration of Eight” on Red Square, protesting the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia. Did his actions influence the direction of Nina’s future life?Pavel Litvinov left for America; you and your sister Vera also left, first to America and then to England. Why did Nina stay in Russia? What kept her there?What did Nina do in her professional life?Many people came to the wake for Nina in Moscow. What was your impression of it? You wrote on Facebook that by publishing excerpts from Nina’s last note, you had taken the decision to reveal the real cause of her death and you accused Putin of Nina’s murder. What exactly did you mean?Do you remember Irina Slavina, who died in 2020 after setting herself on fire in Nizhny Novgorod? She blamed the Russian Federation for her death…. And then there was Alexander Okunev in Kaliningrad who also committed an act of self-immolation on the third anniversary of the full-scale invasion of Ukraine—his death was hushed up and only came to light a little over a year later. How many more martyrs are needed for Russia to rid itself of its illusions about its president?How would you put into a few words your feelings about Nina and what the nature of her death symbolises?

  4. May 14

    Podcast Then & Now #41: Teresa Cherfas in conversation with Ksenia Luchenko

    8 May 2026 by Teresa Cherfas Welcome to the 41st edition of the Russian-language podcast Then & Now with me, Teresa Cherfas.  Ksenia Luchenko (pictured above) is the author of the book Благими Намерениями – Русская Церковь и Власть от Горбачева до Путина [‘With Good Intentions: The Russian Church and State from Gorbachev to Putin’] for which she received the ‘Prosvetitel’ award (Enlightener Prize) in 2025. That same year, her name was added to the list of ‘foreign agents’ and, in March this year, she was sentenced in absentia in the Russian Federation to eight years’ imprisonment under the ‘military fakes’ law. Ksenia left Russia in April 2022. Prior to this, she had worked extensively as a journalist and scholar in the field of church affairs and media. This podcast was recorded on 7 May 2026 Questions:What prompted you to leave Russia so soon after the full-scale invasion of Ukraine?Your book With Good Intentions was published last year. Why did you choose that title?In 2014, the annexation of Crimea took place, and shortly afterwards, the so-called separatist war in the Donbas region of Ukraine began. Did this mark a turning-point in relations between the Orthodox Church and Putin’s Kremlin, a turn that led to the ‘road to hell’?In the summer of 2021, Putin wrote a lengthy treatise on his interpretation of Russian history and the place of the ‘Russian world’ in contemporary politics.. Could you comment on the role of the Russian Orthodox Church in shaping his worldview?The Russian Orthodox Church is currently one of the main ideologues of the war with Ukraine, calling the war a holy war and glorifying death on the battlefield. In this context, what is a ‘holy war’ and what are the criteria for defining it?And what about relations between the Russian Orthodox Church and the Ukrainian Orthodox Church?An important event during Gorbachev’s policies of glasnost and perestroika was the celebration of the millennium of the Russian Orthodox Church in 1988. In hindsight, does it seem surprising that it was celebrated so widely in a country that was still atheist – the USSR?Patriarch Aleksy, who led the Russian Orthodox Church during that period, was succeeded by Kirill, who became patriarch in 2009. How did their characters differ? What role did this play in the Church’s subsequent relations with the state?It is said that the only institutions that did not undergo reform following the collapse of the Soviet Union were the Russian Orthodox Church and the KGB. Is this true?Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, did the Russian people welcome the revival of the Russian Orthodox Church? And to what extent has the revival of the Orthodox Church been related to the development of Russian nationalism?For several years now, under Putin’s leadership, Russia seems to want to be seen as a bastion of so-called “traditional values.” These values have been enshrined in laws criminalising homosexuality and declaring the ‘dissemination of LGBT propaganda’ a criminal offence. What is the role of the Russian Orthodox Church in this legislation? How is its role in this sphere evolving today in connection with the war in Ukraine?Today, Putin’s “holy war” against Ukraine seems to have been a precursor to the ‘holy wars’ of other global leaders – this is how Israel’s wars in Gaza and Lebanon are justified, this is how President Trump presents his war against Iran, and this is the case with the jihads of the Ayatollah and Hamas. Does this surprise you in the 21st century?Pope Leo XIV sharply criticised President Trump for his bombing of the civilian population in Iran, citing the Bible and God’s commandments. How did the Russian Orthodox Church react?– And Putin?Are there dissidents among Russian Orthodox priests? And if so, what is the situation with them?

    Podcast Then & Now #41: Teresa Cherfas in conversation with Ksenia Luchenko
  5. Feb 27

    RiR Interview: Prosecuting Russian war crimes - with Bill Bowring and Steve Crawshaw

    This month Mary Page’s guests to discuss Russia’s ongoing invasion of Ukraine, and in particular the issue of prosecuting for war crimes and other human rights abuses committed by Russia in Ukraine, are both from the UK: the academic and human rights lawyer Bill Bowring (pictured left) and Steve Crawshaw, journalist, author and human rights activist (pictured right). Mary’s Guests Emeritus Professor Bill Bowring is an academic since 1990 and practising barrister since 1976 who has since 2006 taught human rights and international law at Birkbeck College, University of London. Bill was a Trustee of the Redress Trust, working for reparation for torture survivors, which led the Victims Coalition in the drafting of the 1998 Rome Statute for the International Criminal Court. Bill worked with the Redress Legal Officer Fiona McKay who drafted the provisions for victims in the Rome Statute. Fiona went on to become Chief of the Victims Participation and Reparations Section at the ICC, from August 2004 till December 2015, 11 years. She now serves with Bill as a Trustee of Lawyers for Palestinian Human Rights, taking a keen interest in prosecution of individuals suspected of war crimes in the conflict in the Occupied Palestinian Territories. With Colonel Reverend Nicholas Mercer, the senior Army Lawyer in Iraq who blew the whistle on British war crimes and resigned, Fiona has participated in teaching Bill’s course at Birkbeck on International Criminal Justice. Steve Crawshaw is a former UK director and UN advocacy director at Human Rights Watch and has also worked previously as Russia and east Europe editor, and chief foreign correspondent, at The Independent newspaper. He has also held senior roles at Amnesty International and Freedom from Torture. His latest book, Prosecuting the Powerful: War Crimes and the Battle for Justice, was shortlisted for the Moore Prize for Human Rights Writing. Steve travelled four times to Ukraine while writing the book, as well as to Israel/West Bank and post-Assad Syria. His reporting as a journalist on Russia formed the background to Goodbye to the USSR (1992). Steve’s other books include Easier Fatherland: Germany and the Twenty-First Century (2004) and two books on creative protest: Small Acts of Resistance (with John Jackson, foreword by Václav Havel, 2010) and Street Spirit: The Power of Protest and Mischief (foreword by Ai Weiwei, 2017). This discussion was recorded on 26 February 2026 Mary’s questions: 1) Great efforts are being put into documenting war crimes and other human rights abuses committed by Russia during its war on Ukraine. What are the chances for prosecuting Russian actors? 2) As you know, peace negotiations (such as they are) have primarily been between the US and Russia, and only more recently also involving Ukraine. How do you see these negotiations? 3) How do you see the role and effectiveness of civil society organisations in today’s climate – on the international level human rights NGOs such as, for example, Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, and more local groups such as the Centre for Civil Liberties, the ZMINA Human Rights Centre or the Crimean Human Rights Group in Ukraine? 4) Finally, what is your prognosis for the future of human rights at this point in the 21st century?

  6. Feb 13

    Podcast Then & Now #39 - Teresa Cherfas in conversation with Dmitry Oreshkin

    Welcome to the 39th edition of the Russian-language podcast Then & Now with me, Teresa Cherfas. Among the first guests on the podcast was Dmitry Oreshkin, the well-known political scientist. At that time we talked with him about the significance for Russia of that fateful day – 24 February – when Putin launched his war of aggression against the sovereign state of Ukraine. Today, on the eve of the fourth anniversary of the invasion of Ukraine, we have invited Dmitry Borisovich on to the podcast again, this time to comment on the progress of Putin’s war and to talk about the current state of Russia against the backdrop of a rapidly changing world and shift in global politics. A geographer by education, Oreshkin has extensive experience as a professional observer of the political, economic and social life of Russia today. This podcast was recorded on 12 February 2026 My Questions1. A report published last month by the think tank Centre for Strategic and International Studies claimed that since February 2022, Russian troops have suffered nearly 1.2 million casualties, more than any major power in any war since World War II. What do Russians still in Russia think about how the war is going? 2. How is the war affecting people’s daily lives? 3. When Donald Trump ran for president of the United States, he promised to conclude a peace deal between Russia and Ukraine within 24 hours. A year later, how do you assess Trump’s efforts to reach a peace agreement? 4. The well-known Ukrainian Nobel Peace Prize laureate Oleksandra Matviichuk recently asked a question on social media: “ Why has Trump’s year of negotiations been the deadliest for civilians in Ukraine since the full-scale invasion? The number of deaths and injuries has increased by 31 percent compared to the previous year. Why did Putin not allow himself such brutal strikes on civilian infrastructure under Biden, whom Trump calls ‘weak,’ but totally destroys peaceful cities and disregards the ‘strong Trump’?” How would you answer her? 5. The same think tank I mentioned earlier ranks Russia as a second or third world country in terms of its economy. Can Putin continue the war indefinitely without fear that the economic consequences will be devastating for Russia? 6. Trump’s indecisiveness regarding Ukraine contrasts sharply with the US operation to capture Venezuelan President Maduro a few weeks ago. How do you think Putin and the Kremlin perceived Trump’s boldness regarding Venezuela? 7. This was followed by Trump’s demand to incorporate Greenland into the US. How did the Kremlin react to Trump’s declamatory speech in Davos and his subsequent climb-down when he saw the strength of opposition to his plan? 8. Many believe Trump is not interested in helping Ukraine and thinks this conflict is a problem that America’s European allies should resolve. What would that mean for Ukraine? 9. If Europe does not unite decisively to defend Ukraine, will Putin continue, say, with an attack on the Baltic states? 10. The real rival of the United States today is, of course, China. How would you describe Putin’s relationship with President Xi Jinping? Do Putin’s nuclear weapons compensate for Russia’s economic weakness in its own relations with China? 11. Many people are talking about the collapse of the rules-based old world order. Do you agree with this interpretation? How do you think the situation will develop over the next few years? How will this affect Putin’s future actions?

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Discussing human rights in Russia [in Russian and sometimes English].