The episode in one sentence: The Supreme Court closed its term, and read as a scoreboard, the only winner was the Court itself; the host breaks from every celebration you heard this week to side with Justice Thomas’s dissent on birthright citizenship; and on the eve of the 250th, the verdict on all of it: the founders would be disgusted at the men who took the power, and heartbroken at a people who forgot they ever had it. The founders will be disgusted at the men who took it. But they will be heartbroken at a people who forgot they ever had it. Do not be that people. 250 years in, pick the gift back up. COLD OPEN 00:00 to 04:25 Y’all are not paying attention. The warning that opens the hour: much of alternative media, the podcasts and shows people trust as an escape from legacy media, has become an arm of it. Same opinions, same framing, no new information. If you cannot tell the truth from the lie, you will not notice that the different point of view you think you found is the same point of view in a different studio. The announcement. The Supreme Court closed its term, everyone is celebrating the birthright citizenship ruling, and the host read all 91 pages of Justice Clarence Thomas’s dissent and agrees with it. That segment is coming, and nobody else on radio, podcast, or television is going to tell you the truth about it. The viewpoint police. Before the show starts, a grievance that has to be aired: when you are Black in America, everyone, whatever their own race or party, assumes you must hold a prescribed set of political opinions, and men like Justice Thomas and Thomas Sowell catch endless flack for thinking for themselves. In a country that calls itself free, the expectation that your skin assigns your opinions is a hypocrisy this show refuses. The 250th setup. Saturday the country turns 250. The close of the show will argue the signers of the Declaration would be disgusted at what we have done with their baby. Standing house rule, stated up front: much of the founding story as taught is mythos, and this show has said so before. For the final segment, we argue from inside the story, taking it as 100 percent true, and see where it leads. SHOW OPEN 04:46 to 09:10 You are watching a master at work. Housekeeping: apologies, last week’s episode and newsletter did not get uploaded on schedule; both go up tonight along with this episode. Happy early Fourth of July, and not just any Fourth: the 250th anniversary of the founding. One receipt before we start. Two weeks ago this show told you the President was holding the biggest housing bill in 30 years hostage and that the guardrail would hold: the bill would become law without him. The Speaker sent it to his desk June 29 and the clock is running; it becomes law on or around July 10 whether he signs or not. He has since downgraded the bill from of minor importance to, quote, a yawn, while conceding his voting bill probably will not pass anyway. Called it. The roadmap: six segments. The Supreme Court term read as a power grab. Birthright citizenship in its own spotlight, and why the Thomas dissent is right. The girls’ sports ruling and the one fact both sides are hiding. The Memphis school takeover blocked, closing a loop from the spring. The Gold Dome tax fight pitting Georgia homeowners against renters. Sony quietly ending your right to own the games you buy. And the close: 250 years, and what the founders would think. SEGMENT 1: THE TERM AS A SCOREBOARD 09:14 to 15:03 Read it like nobody on cable will. Not case by case. As a scoreboard: who walked away with more power, who walked away with less. One pattern runs through almost every major decision, and it is not left versus right. It is which branch got stronger. What Congress can no longer do. After this term, Congress cannot protect independent regulators like the FTC from the President. It cannot limit how much political parties coordinate spending. It cannot require states to draw voting districts that protect Black and Latino voters. And it could not stop the President from withholding 4 billion dollars Congress had already voted to spend, the power of the purse, the oldest power the legislature has. A position stated plainly. On the districting ruling, the host breaks from most of his contemporaries in media: no objection here. If we are all equal under the law, districts should not be drawn by race in the first place. The whining about that ruling is a tribal reflex, not an argument. The tell. The same day the Court said the President has total control over the executive branch, no exceptions, in order to gut the FTC, it carved out an exception to that exact rule to protect the Federal Reserve. The same day. That is not principle. That is power management. The other side of the ledger. The President did not win everything, and this is not an anti-Trump reading. Chief Justice Roberts personally wrote all three major rulings against him this term: tariffs blocked, the Fed governor protected, and the birthright citizenship order struck down. A rubber stamp does not hand a President three losses written by the Chief Justice himself. This Court does not serve Trump. This Court serves itself, and serving itself means telling even him no. The kitchen-table meaning. Every year, the branch you have the most power over, Congress, the people you can actually vote out, gets weaker, while the two branches you have the least power over get stronger. When power drains from the branch you control into the branches you do not, your vote buys less than it did the year before. And a standing reminder from this show: your power was never limited to voting anyway. That subject gets its own episode soon. Power is moving from the branch you can vote out to the branches you cannot. That is not an accident. That is a transfer of power away from you, in plain sight, dressed up in robes. Verdict. This term had one winner: the Court itself. Congress lost the power to protect regulators, limit party money, defend minority voters, and guard its own purse. The President mostly gained but lost on tariffs, the Fed, and birthright, which proves the Court answers to no one but itself. No one is coming to save you. When you cast your ballot in November, do it with clear eyes about what that ballot can and cannot buy. SEGMENT 2: BIRTHRIGHT CITIZENSHIP: WHY I AM WITH THE DISSENT 15:03 to 28:03 The ruling. On Tuesday, June 30, in Trump v. Barbara, the Supreme Court struck down the President’s executive order ending birthright citizenship for children of parents here unlawfully or temporarily. Chief Justice Roberts closed the majority with, quote, we keep that promise today, and every network played it as the feel-good moment of the term. And then the host does what you will not hear anywhere else: I read all 91 pages of the dissent, and I agree with it. The receipts, clinical. The Citizenship Clause was written in 1868 to overturn Dred Scott and guarantee citizenship could never again be denied by race. That is its origin, that is settled. Now to what is live: the headline said 6 to 3, but Justice Kavanaugh agreed only because of a statute from the 1950s. On the constitutional question, the vote was 5 to 4, and Kavanaugh wrote in black and white that Congress could pass a new law creating exceptions tomorrow. The President read that roadmap and posted the same day that Congress should start, his word, today. This fight is one vote and one statute wide. Douglass versus Douglass. The part nobody on cable, podcast, or radio will touch: the two Black justices came down on opposite sides, and both reached for the same man, Frederick Douglass. Justice Thomas, dissenting, quotes Douglass claiming citizenship for the freedmen, quote, not as aliens nor as exiles, but as Americans: citizenship was never about the dirt you happened to be born on, it was about belonging, because America was the freedmen’s only home, their only allegiance, the country they had fought for and would fight for again. Justice Jackson answers that the men who wrote the amendment took that sacrifice and deliberately chose universal words, a clean slate for every child born here, no questions asked. Two justices. One legacy. Two answers to what makes somebody a member of this country, and it is the most current-events question in America. Thomas says citizenship is belonging. Jackson says it is birth. Five justices took birth. I am with belonging. The break, plain. Thomas argues the Fourteenth Amendment guaranteed citizenship to people born and domiciled here. Domicile. Home. Not a tourist visit, not a border sprint timed to a due date. Home. Citizens, he writes, were the permanent members of the body politic, the people whose roots are in a place and who would go to war for it. And that is not an immigration argument. It is what this show has argued for years: a country is not a location. A country is a people, with shared values, shared standards, and a shared understanding of what belonging requires. The melting pot, and standards. The problem with the modern melting pot talk is that we stopped asking anyone to melt. No shared system of values, no expectation of assimilation, customs imported wholesale with no terms of engagement. Some ways of living produce better outcomes than others; some cultures are better than others, and it is time to stop pretending otherwise. Other countries enforce their standards and we accept it when we visit them. Thomas Sowell built a career proving the point, and the test is outcomes, not ancestry, and it cuts in every direction, including inward at our own house. A nation that hands out membership without asking for belonging has stopped believing in its people. The politicians, not the immigrants. Do not let anyone tell you the border piece is about hating immigrants; the prosecution on this show aims at the politicians. Illegal immigration at this scale is championed by people whose bottom line it serves: the donor cla