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Audio recordings of the Korea JoongAng Daily's in-depth, on-the-scene news articles and features informing readers around the world of the issues of the day in Korea. Under the slogan "Your window to Korea", the Korea JoongAng Daily is an English-language news organization focused on Korea that strives to publish factual, timely and unbiased articles.

  1. 20h ago

    The North vowed to resume its loudspeaker broadcasts. Will inter-Korean border tensions escalate again? Why is North Korea trying to resume broadcasts now? What does the move signify? Why do border loudspeakers matter? How will the South respond? What h

    North Korea stated that it will resume propaganda loudspeakers by Oct. 31, which would mark the first broadcast in about 16 months, reversing South Korean President Lee Jae Myung's efforts toward easing inter-Korean tensions. [EXPLAINER] From July 2024 to June 2025, North Korean loudspeakers along the inter-Korean border played sounds of howling animals and scraping metal through the night. Residents of Paju in Gyeonggi, a city about an hour's drive northwest of Seoul that borders North Korea, said that it sounded like ghosts wailing. The noise stopped on June 12 last year, a day after the South halted its own propaganda broadcasts on President Lee Jae Myung's orders. But Paju residents fear that the noise will soon return. North Korea said on Oct. 21 that it will turn its loudspeakers back on before the end of this month. If true, that would mark the first broadcast in about 16 months. It would also undo one of President Lee's main steps toward easing tensions with the North. Border loudspeakers are a tool of psychological warfare. For decades, the South used them to send news and K-pop to North Korean soldiers and residents near the border, who have little access to outside information. North Korea's most recent broadcasts carried only noise, no message, which South Korean officials saw as an attempt to drown out Seoul's broadcasts. Seoul halted broadcasts from its fixed speakers and removed them — roughly 20 in total — last year; Pyongyang also stopped its broadcasts in return. But this truce is now at risk, and the South Korean government has yet to agree on how to respond. The North's threat to resume broadcasts stems from a dispute regarding the border itself. Since 2024, North Korea has been laying mines and building fences and antitank barriers to establish what it calls a "permanent border" with the South. North Korean soldiers doing this work have repeatedly crossed the military demarcation line (MDL) — which lies within the demilitarized zone (DMZ) — that divides the two Koreas. South Korean troops have answered with warning broadcasts and warning shots. Warning broadcasts are aimed at North Korean soldiers who cross the line and are separate from propaganda broadcasts. Then on Sept. 21, a land mine explosion south of the MDL in the western DMZ wounded three South Korean soldiers, two of whom sustained serious injuries. The South's military concluded that North Korean troops had planted the mine, but the North has repeatedly denied responsibility and called the incident a "fabrication" by the South. Kim Yo-jong, the sister of North Korean leader Kim Jong-un and a department director of the ruling Workers' Party, first raised the idea of resuming broadcasts on Oct. 19, saying that Pyongyang would consider doing so in response to Seoul's warning shots. She claimed that South Korean troops had issued 2,870 loudspeaker warnings and fired 201 warning shots between Aug. 1 and Oct. 17. On Oct. 21, after touring border fortification sites with Marshal Pak Jong-chon, the North's top military official, she set a specific deadline. "Within October, the loudspeakers for psychological warfare against the ROK will be in operation along the whole border," she said, referring to the Republic of Korea, South Korea's official name, in an English-language statement carried by the state-run Korean Central News Agency. The next day, she said that the speakers "will be on standby in a matter of days." During a parliamentary audit of South Korea's Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Ministry of Unification on Tuesday, Unification Minister Chung Dong-young told lawmakers that the North appears intent on completing its border work "on schedule" and remains steadfast in its stance that the Koreas are "two hostile states." "The real intention [behind the North's promise to resume broadcasts] is an indirect demand for our side's restraint," said Yang Moo-jin, a distinguished professor at the University of North Korean Studies. "There would b...

  2. 1d ago

    Brothers in heritage: Korea's digital tech, expertise help unearth first Hellenistic remains in central Turkey region

    A Korea-Turkey archaeological team has uncovered the first Hellenistic-era structure found at Kultepe-Kanis in 78 years, aided by Korea's digital documentation technology. Last year, Korea and Turkey initiated on a joint excavation project on Kultepe-Kanis, an ancient site in central Turkey where early civilizations flourished. Within a year, the team unearthed a structure from the Hellenistic period (323–30 B.C.), the first of its kind found at the site in 78 years of excavations. "I can confidently say this achievement is unprecedented among all the excavations at Kultepe, given how little time it took," said Fikri Kulakoglu, a professor at Ankara University who leads the project with the Korean team, during a press conference in central Seoul on Tuesday. "[The] Korean team, in one word, is sharp and has a very systematic approach. Tens of thousands of pottery pieces alone are found each season, which makes recording them difficult. With Korea, we've been scanning and digitally documenting the finds, which has reduced both errors and the time it takes." The National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage under the Korea Heritage Service joined forces with Turkey's Ankara University last year to jointly excavate the ancient remains of Kultepe-Kanis. The Kultepe-Kanis site, located 20 kilometers (12.4 miles) northeast of Kayseri Province in Turkey, was home to an ancient city that flourished from around 3000 B.C. until the Roman times. The area was best known as a trading hub of the Bronze Age and the origin of the Hittite Empire. The Korea-Turkey joint team's excavation was conducted around the upper part of the region where Warshama Palace and shrines were located. The lower part was concentrated with commercial districts and residential area. On the east of the palace, the research team found remains of a mosaic floor that is speculated to belong to a building. The exposed corner of the structure measures roughly 163 by 165 centimeters (5 feet, 4 inches by 5 feet, 5 inches). The floor is seen to be reflecting Hellenistic building techniques where the ground was leveled and topped with a foundation of crushed stone and fine soil, a layer of river pebbles, and a hard surface of pottery shards and lime. Pottery remains, which also plays a key role in determining the era, also points to the Hellenism period, according to the professor. "Through research materials, we knew that a large-scale city, tall buildings and shrines from the Hellenism period existed at the site we were excavating," Kulakoglu said. "But we have never confirmed it with our own eyes." The usage of mosaic floor indicates that the building wasn't just for ordinary residents but was used for sacred purposes where people prayed and held rituals. "The remains point to not just a single building but at least three buildings so we suspect it would have taken a form of a complex," he said, adding that such large-scale structure indicates that the area would have been a big city. The mosaic floor was found on the second of four cultural layers found by the joint research team. "Cultural layers from ancient times are stacked here like a cake," the professor said. "A place that's good to live in stays that way across the ages. People settle down, make a living, and their settlement gets burned down. Then the next people come and do the same thing, and it all piles up here. We're looking into each of those layers." Two excavation sessions have been conducted so far by the Korea-Turkey joint research team and it plans for a third session next year. "It would be ideal if we could confirm whether this was a city and get a sense of its size or layout," the professor said. "I'm certain that the deeper we dig, the better the finds will be." The archaeological site was also added to Unesco's World Heritage Tentative List in 2014, although only about 3 percent of its total area has been excavated. "We don't know for sure when the site will be listed, but I believe Kor...

  3. Oct 22

    'Original reporting' critical to democracy's defense, says New York Times publisher

    A.G. Sulzberger discusses press freedom under Donald Trump, AI-driven intellectual property theft and The New York Times' investment in independent journalism during a visit to his paper's Asia hub in Seoul. As journalism faces unprecedented challenges amid growing threats to press freedom from authority figures and intellectual property theft in the AI era, The New York Times publisher underscored that "democracy depends on an informed public," which starts with "original reporting." "Democracy depends on an informed public, and an informed public depends on truth-tellers who are willing to ask the tough questions of our representatives and of the most powerful people in society," A.G. Sulzberger, publisher of The New York Times and chairman of The New York Times Company, said as he sat for an interview with the Korea JoongAng Daily and JoongAng Ilbo at The Times' Asia hub in central Seoul on Wednesday. The Korea JoongAng Daily, which marked its 26th anniversary this month, is a publishing partner of The New York Times. The New York Times marked its 175th anniversary this year, and Sulzberger stressed that there has never been a U.S. president more opposed to the press than Donald Trump, addressing the administration's threats and lawsuits against the paper. "No president in modern history has employed more openly anti-press rhetoric," Sulzberger said. "When he, or the administration, is using unjust power to try to silence our reporting, we are standing up for the reporting and refusing to be silenced or intimidated." Sulzberger, who was recently listed on TIME magazine's "100 Most Influential People in AI 2026," shared how his newspaper is adapting to the AI transformation while battling misinformation and fending off the "largest theft in the history of the industry." He warned that "if the theft of intellectual property is allowed to stand, it is not clear to me that there is a sustainable path for journalism organizations." During his time as an editor at The New York Times, Sulzberger authored the 2014 "Innovation Report," guiding the paper's successful "digital first" strategy. He joined The Times as a metro reporter in 2009 and is the sixth Ochs-Sulzberger family member to serve as publisher of The Times since Adolph Ochs purchased the newspaper in a bankruptcy sale in 1896. The Times reached 13.35 million paid subscribers as of the second quarter and reported digital-only subscription revenue of $407.9 million, up 16.4 percent from the year before. It aims to reach 15 million subscribers by the end of 2027. Sulzberger said the key to profitable journalism is ultimately "strong journalism," adding, "part of the secret to our success is that, rather than chase what everyone else is doing online, we continue to tell stories that others aren't telling." In May 2021, The Times launched its new Asia hub in central Seoul after moving its digital news operation from its decades-old Hong Kong headquarters in response to concerns about a sweeping national security law passed by China and its implications for free speech and the press. Regarding the growth of The Times' Asia hub, Sulzberger said, "Korea is such a distinct country in having technological, business and cultural strength, and so it's a great place to make journalism." The following are edited excerpts from the interview. Q. The New York Times is currently facing threats and multiple lawsuits under the Trump administration. Has there ever been a period in history with such direct pressure on freedom of speech? And what makes this current threat different from the past? A. I often say, free people need a free press. And the reason for that is that democracy depends on an informed public, and an informed public depends on truth-tellers who are willing to ask the tough questions of our representatives and of the most powerful people in society. And part of what has made America so successful is that the so-called Founding Fathers of the country, people who wrote t...

  4. Oct 21

    Seoul's Ukraine pullback raises diplomatic stakes (KOR) Related Article This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. Al

    The government has decided to withdraw nearly half the staff at South Korea's embassy in Ukraine, following its recall of Ambassador Park Ki-chang. The move reflects Seoul's judgment that Ukraine has failed to take constructive steps, including an apology, after South Korea protested Kyiv's disclosure of information about the repatriation of North Korean prisoners of war. The Foreign Ministry also cited security concerns stemming from the threat of Russian airstrikes. Still, it is difficult not to question whether the disclosure warrants not only recalling the ambassador but also withdrawing embassy personnel. If Ukraine violated a confidential understanding concerning the sensitive national security issue of repatriating North Korean prisoners of war, Seoul is fully entitled to lodge a protest and demand measures to prevent a recurrence. That, however, does not automatically justify the severity of its response. It remains unclear what Seoul hopes to achieve by escalating pressure from recalling the ambassador to withdrawing embassy staff. If Ukraine ultimately refuses to meet its demands, what will the government do next? South Korea's conspicuous move also risks drawing unfavorable attention within the Western liberal camp. More troubling is the lack of clarity over how this response fits into the broader direction of South Korean diplomacy. On Oct. 13, President Lee Jae Myung stressed the importance of "managing relations with Russia" in connection with efforts to develop Arctic shipping routes. Maintaining ties with Moscow may be necessary to protect the national interest. But if Seoul is willing to risk worsening relations with Ukraine, it must explain what interests it hopes to safeguard — and consider whether its approach might instead undermine them. Deteriorating ties with Ukraine could complicate not only the possible repatriation of additional North Korean prisoners of war but also cooperation on postwar reconstruction and the defense industry. The Foreign Ministry cited the threat of airstrikes as one reason for the withdrawal, but that explanation is difficult to reconcile with the decision itself. The worse the fighting becomes, the greater the need for embassy personnel to help protect South Korean nationals. Yet the government plans to leave behind only the chargé d'affaires and essential consular staff. That is hardly reassuring. South Korean residents in Ukraine are already confused by the lack of sufficiently detailed follow-up plans, even as they are advised to evacuate to Poland. Should diplomats be leaving first while their compatriots remain uncertain about what to do next? Diplomacy is not a means of expressing displeasure at another country's conduct. Recalling an ambassador and withdrawing embassy personnel are among the strongest diplomatic measures available short of severing diplomatic relations. Many South Koreans cannot help questioning whether the dispute with the Ukrainian government truly warrants such an exceptionally hard-line response. 우크라에 대사 소환 넘어 공관원 철수까지 해야 하나 정부가 주우크라이나 박기창 대사를 소환한 데 이어 현지 대사관 공관원 절반가량을 철수하기로 했다. 북한군 포로의 한국 송환 사실을 공개한 우크라이나에 항의했지만, 우리 정부가 요구한 사과 등 전향적 조치가 없었다는 판단에서다. 외교부는 공습 위협에 따른 안전 문제도 들었다. 그러나 북한군 포로 송환 정보 공개가 대사 소환에 이어 공관원 철수까지 단행할 사안인지 묻지 않을 수 없다. 북한군 포로 송환이라는 민감한 안보 사안의 비공개 합의를 우크라이나가 어겼다면 정부가 항의하고 재발 방지를 요구하는 것은 당연하다. 그렇다고 대응 수위까지 정당화되는 것은 아니다. 대사 소환에 이어 공관원 철수까지 압박 수위를 높여 얻으려는 것이 무엇인지 분명하지 않다. 우크라이나가 끝내 요구를 수용하지 않는다면 다음에는 어떤 조치를 취할 것인가. 당장 서방 자유주의 진영 내에서 한국의 돌출 행동을 바라보는 시선도 곱지 않다. 더욱 우려스러운 것은 이번 대응이 대한민국 외교의 큰 방향과 어떻게 연결되는지 분명하지 않다는 점이다. 이 대통령은 지난 13일 북극항로 개척과 관련해 "러시아와의 관계 관리도 중요하다"고 밝혔다. 러시아와의 관계를 관리하는 건 국익을 위해 필요한 외교일 것이다. 그렇다면 우크라이나와의 관계 악화를 감수하면서까지 지키려는 국익이 무엇인지, 오히려 국익에 반하는 것은 아닌지 따져봐야 한다. 우크라이나와의 관계 악화는 북한군 포로의 추가 송환 문제는 물론 전후 재건과 방산 협력에도 부담이 될 수 있다. 외교부는 철수 이유의 하나로 공습 우려를 내세웠는데 이는 앞뒤가 맞지 않는 설명이다. 전황이 악화할수록 교민 안전을 지키기 위한 공관원의 일손은 더 많이 필요한 법인데, 대사대리와 필수 영사 인력만 남긴다고 하니 납득이 가지 않는다. 교민들에게 폴란드 대피를 권고하면서도 구체적인 후속 계획이 충분히 제시되지 않아 현지 교민들이 혼란스러워하고 있다. 외교는 상...

  5. Oct 21

    SCIA chief's Cabinet seat raises neutrality concerns (KOR) Related Article New crime agency makes 1st arrest since launch Lee formally appoints Kim Ji-Yong as inaugural chief of new serious crimes agency SCIA chief nominee Kim Ji-yong vows politically n

    Kim Ji-yong, chief of the Serious Crimes Investigation Agency (SCIA), attended a Cabinet meeting presided over by President Lee Jae Myung for the first time on Wednesday. On his first day in office on Tuesday, Kim said he would root out the politicization of investigations, which he described as a fundamental cause of the prosecution's abuse of its investigative powers. Although he said he would decide whether to attend Cabinet meetings after reviewing relevant laws and consulting with other agencies, he appeared at the meeting the very next day. If his attendance was merely a courtesy call following his inauguration, it may be understandable. But if he intends to keep attending, the situation is different. Such a move would invite doubts about the sincerity of his pledge to end the politicization of investigations and intensify concerns over the SCIA's political neutrality. At a Cabinet meeting on Oct. 13, President Lee said that the attendance of the heads of the SCIA and the Public Prosecution Office at Cabinet meetings was "a matter of course under the Government Organization Act and the Constitution," though he acknowledged that there might be differing views. Yet the SCIA is tasked with investigating serious crimes, having taken over the prosecution's direct investigative functions. Even the president and other senior public officials could fall within its investigative remit. The former prosecutor general's absence from Cabinet meetings reflected a respect for the independence of investigations and prosecutions. People's Solidarity for Participatory Democracy (PSPD), which has actively advocated separating investigative and prosecutorial powers, also issued a statement on Friday, opposing regular Cabinet attendance by the heads of investigative and prosecutorial agencies. It argued that Cabinet members themselves could become subjects of investigations and that their presence at the meetings could impose political pressure on investigators and prosecutors even without explicit instructions concerning specific cases. Kim now bears the considerable responsibility of establishing the newly launched SCIA as an institution worthy of public trust. On his first day in office, he pledged to uphold fairness, neutrality and procedural justice so that the agency could become an investigative body that would not cause public concern. Ensuring impartiality and political independence also means avoiding unnecessary grounds for public suspicion. Kim should demonstrate his determination to keep the agency at arm's length from political power by refraining from attending future Cabinet meetings. President Lee, too, should reconsider his insistence that the attendance of investigative agency chiefs is a matter of course. If his call for Kim to investigate without favoring either side, leaving no one above the law, was sincere, the president should take the initiative in telling the new SCIA chief that he need not attend Cabinet meetings. That would be the right way to ease the burden on Kim as he begins his challenging task. 김지용 중수청장, 더 이상 국무회의 참석 않는 게 옳다 김지용 중대범죄수사청장이 20일 이재명 대통령이 주재하는 국무회의에 처음 참석했다. 김 청장은 지난 19일 첫 출근길에 "검찰의 수사권 남용 근저에는 수사의 정치화가 있다"며 이를 청산하겠다고 밝혔다. 국무회의 참석 여부는 법령 검토와 관계기관 협의를 거쳐 결정하겠다고 했지만, 바로 다음 날 국무회의에 모습을 드러냈다. 취임 후 인사 차원에서 국무회의에 참석한 것이면 이해할 여지가 없진 않지만, 앞으로도 계속 참석한다면 얘기가 달라진다. 수사의 정치화를 청산하겠다는 발언의 진정성을 의심받고, 중수청의 정치적 중립을 둘러싼 논란도 커질 수밖에 없다. 이 대통령은 지난 13일 국무회의에서 중수청과 공소청 수장의 국무회의 참석에 대해 "이견은 있겠지만 정부조직법과 헌법에 의해 당연한 일"이라고 말했다. 하지만 중수청은 검찰의 직접 수사 기능을 넘겨받아 중대 범죄를 수사하는 기관이다. 대통령을 포함한 고위 공직자도 수사 대상이 될 수 있다. 과거 검찰총장이 국무회의에 참석하지 않았던 것도 수사와 기소의 독립성을 존중하는 차원에서였다. 수사·기소 분리 등을 적극 주창해 온 참여연대도 지난 16일 논평을 내고 수사·공소 기관장의 국무회의 정례 참석에 반대했다. 국무회의 참석자도 잠재적 수사 대상이 될 수 있고, 구체적인 사건 지시가 없어도 수사·공소 기관에 정치적 부담을 줄 수 있다는 이유에서다. 김 청장은 이제 막 출범한 중수청을 국민의 신뢰를 받는 기관으로 만들어야 할 막중한 책임을 지고 있다. 첫 출근길에 "중수청은 공정성, 중립성, 절차적 정의를 반드시 지켜 국민이 걱정하지 않는 수사기관으로 자리매김하도록 하겠다"고 말했다. 수사의 공정성과 중립성 확보를 위해서는 국민에게 불필요한 의심을 사지 않는 것도 중요하다. 김 청장은 더 이상 국무회의에 참석하지 않음으로써 정치권력과 거리를...

  6. Oct 20

    SCIA chief's Cabinet seat raises neutrality concerns Related Article New crime agency makes 1st arrest since launch Lee formally appoints Kim Ji-Yong as inaugural chief of new serious crimes agency SCIA chief nominee Kim Ji-yong vows politically neutral

    Kim Ji-yong, chief of the Serious Crimes Investigation Agency (SCIA), attended a Cabinet meeting presided over by President Lee Jae Myung for the first time on Wednesday. On his first day in office on Tuesday, Kim said he would root out the politicization of investigations, which he described as a fundamental cause of the prosecution's abuse of its investigative powers. Although he said he would decide whether to attend Cabinet meetings after reviewing relevant laws and consulting with other agencies, he appeared at the meeting the very next day. If his attendance was merely a courtesy call following his inauguration, it may be understandable. But if he intends to keep attending, the situation is different. Such a move would invite doubts about the sincerity of his pledge to end the politicization of investigations and intensify concerns over the SCIA's political neutrality. At a Cabinet meeting on Oct. 13, President Lee said that the attendance of the heads of the SCIA and the Public Prosecution Office at Cabinet meetings was "a matter of course under the Government Organization Act and the Constitution," though he acknowledged that there might be differing views. Yet the SCIA is tasked with investigating serious crimes, having taken over the prosecution's direct investigative functions. Even the president and other senior public officials could fall within its investigative remit. The former prosecutor general's absence from Cabinet meetings reflected a respect for the independence of investigations and prosecutions. People's Solidarity for Participatory Democracy (PSPD), which has actively advocated separating investigative and prosecutorial powers, also issued a statement on Friday, opposing regular Cabinet attendance by the heads of investigative and prosecutorial agencies. It argued that Cabinet members themselves could become subjects of investigations and that their presence at the meetings could impose political pressure on investigators and prosecutors even without explicit instructions concerning specific cases. Kim now bears the considerable responsibility of establishing the newly launched SCIA as an institution worthy of public trust. On his first day in office, he pledged to uphold fairness, neutrality and procedural justice so that the agency could become an investigative body that would not cause public concern. Ensuring impartiality and political independence also means avoiding unnecessary grounds for public suspicion. Kim should demonstrate his determination to keep the agency at arm's length from political power by refraining from attending future Cabinet meetings. President Lee, too, should reconsider his insistence that the attendance of investigative agency chiefs is a matter of course. If his call for Kim to investigate without favoring either side, leaving no one above the law, was sincere, the president should take the initiative in telling the new SCIA chief that he need not attend Cabinet meetings. That would be the right way to ease the burden on Kim as he begins his challenging task.

  7. Oct 20

    How can we talk to the people we never learn to communicate with? Related Article Goethe and Mickiewicz: Two kinds of longing The 80-year-old lessons of tech investment mania and inflated profits Even a Nobel laureate packs his children's lunches

    Meaningful communication begins by trusting North Korean defectors' stories and respecting experiences shaped by life under a different system. Seohyun Lee The author is the co-director of the documentary "Sotongil," a 50-minute film in which two young Koreans who set out to find an answer to communicate better with North Koreans. While making my documentary on communication between South and North Korea, "Sotongil" — "Communification" in English (translated) — I met with several nongovernmental organization practitioners and North Korean defectors to ask what the first step is toward communicating with North Koreans. Surprisingly, they all shared the same idea: First, we need to see North Korean defectors "as they are", meaning listening to them rather than speaking for them. How do we take this question and transform it into ethical practice? Firstly, seeing North Korean defectors as they are means trusting their stories. Since North Korean residents must obtain an official permit from the government to travel outside the boundaries of their local city or county, ordinary North Koreans have very limited freedom of movement within their own country. Due to the same restriction, North Koreans' ways of life can also be different depending on whether they were born near the border, on the coast, or inland. Considering this constraint on mobility, defectors could have very different stories from one another, and sometimes the stories even seem to contradict each other. Like the story of the seven blind men touching an elephant, each person may be describing the elephant differently, but each is still telling the truth about the part they experienced themselves. Hence, a primary mindset for engaging in a conversation with North Korean defectors is to trust that they speak truthfully. The second thing to do after listening to North Korean defectors' stories is to respect their experience and perspectives without necessarily agreeing with their beliefs. Different politics, education, and cultures do shape people's lives and values entirely differently. Although you are against the North Korean regime, admit that in different settings, people cultivate different ways of making decisions. Admit that the idea of normal varies depending on your surroundings. And if you can, try to accept and respect their perspectives, recognizing that many of the differences you see stem from their surroundings and life experiences, not their inherent character. To be sure, communicating with North Korean defectors and communicating with North Korea are two different endeavors. I'm not suggesting that we should trust and accept what North Korea says or what North Koreans believe. Given that two South Korean soldiers were injured at the demilitarized zone by North Korean mines on September 21, the answer to why and how we could communicate with North Korea seems extremely difficult to find. I'm specifically talking about communicating with North Korean defectors and how we can give a fair chance to the people who lived in a country that we are told to innately distrust. This requires that we understand that people are not their nations, and that we should not hold individual citizens accountable for the actions of their governments. Trust North Korean defectors' stories and accept them, just as we listen to the stories of others and communicate with them respectfully. When we are able to see North Korean defectors as they are, perhaps we can begin to find a clue about how communication between North and South Korea can start.

  8. Oct 20

    Seoul's Ukraine pullback raises diplomatic stakes Related Article Seoul to withdraw portion of embassy staff from Ukraine Three European states urged South Korea to sustain Ukraine support amid diplomatic rift, says senior official Seoul maintains call

    The government has decided to withdraw nearly half the staff at South Korea's embassy in Ukraine, following its recall of Ambassador Park Ki-chang. The move reflects Seoul's judgment that Ukraine has failed to take constructive steps, including an apology, after South Korea protested Kyiv's disclosure of information about the repatriation of North Korean prisoners of war. The Foreign Ministry also cited security concerns stemming from the threat of Russian airstrikes. Still, it is difficult not to question whether the disclosure warrants not only recalling the ambassador but also withdrawing embassy personnel. If Ukraine violated a confidential understanding concerning the sensitive national security issue of repatriating North Korean prisoners of war, Seoul is fully entitled to lodge a protest and demand measures to prevent a recurrence. That, however, does not automatically justify the severity of its response. It remains unclear what Seoul hopes to achieve by escalating pressure from recalling the ambassador to withdrawing embassy staff. If Ukraine ultimately refuses to meet its demands, what will the government do next? South Korea's conspicuous move also risks drawing unfavorable attention within the Western liberal camp. More troubling is the lack of clarity over how this response fits into the broader direction of South Korean diplomacy. On Oct. 13, President Lee Jae Myung stressed the importance of "managing relations with Russia" in connection with efforts to develop Arctic shipping routes. Maintaining ties with Moscow may be necessary to protect the national interest. But if Seoul is willing to risk worsening relations with Ukraine, it must explain what interests it hopes to safeguard — and consider whether its approach might instead undermine them. Deteriorating ties with Ukraine could complicate not only the possible repatriation of additional North Korean prisoners of war but also cooperation on postwar reconstruction and the defense industry. The Foreign Ministry cited the threat of airstrikes as one reason for the withdrawal, but that explanation is difficult to reconcile with the decision itself. The worse the fighting becomes, the greater the need for embassy personnel to help protect South Korean nationals. Yet the government plans to leave behind only the chargé d'affaires and essential consular staff. That is hardly reassuring. South Korean residents in Ukraine are already confused by the lack of sufficiently detailed follow-up plans, even as they are advised to evacuate to Poland. Should diplomats be leaving first while their compatriots remain uncertain about what to do next? Diplomacy is not a means of expressing displeasure at another country's conduct. Recalling an ambassador and withdrawing embassy personnel are among the strongest diplomatic measures available short of severing diplomatic relations. Many South Koreans cannot help questioning whether the dispute with the Ukrainian government truly warrants such an exceptionally hard-line response.

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Audio recordings of the Korea JoongAng Daily's in-depth, on-the-scene news articles and features informing readers around the world of the issues of the day in Korea. Under the slogan "Your window to Korea", the Korea JoongAng Daily is an English-language news organization focused on Korea that strives to publish factual, timely and unbiased articles.

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