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Audio recordings of the Korea JoongAng Daily's in-depth, on-the-scene news articles and features informing readers around the world of the issues of the day in Korea. Under the slogan "Your window to Korea", the Korea JoongAng Daily is an English-language news organization focused on Korea that strives to publish factual, timely and unbiased articles.

  1. 2D AGO

    EU ambassador stresses gender equality as essential for Korea's national competitiveness

    This article is by Seo Ji-eun and read by an artificial voice. [INTERVIEW] European Union Ambassador to South Korea Ugo Astuto said that the shifting geopolitical landscape offers the partners a chance to deepen ties, built on the back of enhanced national competitiveness that starts with fully tapping its talent pool to avoid undermining growth and stalling innovation. "In Europe, we have a consensus on the fact that the promotion of gender equality is a matter of fairness [and] justice," Astuto said as he sat for an interview with the Korea JoongAng Daily at the EU Delegation in central Seoul on Feb. 26. "It also makes economic sense in that unless you make full use of the potential of the population, you cannot really achieve growth or innovation." The EU's program in Seoul this year is built around "Women in STEM," a theme Astuto said was chosen specifically with South Korea's strengths in mind, citing its status as an advanced economy heavily invested in green and digital transitions. Women remain underrepresented in STEM fields globally, including South Korea. Here, only about 23.9 percent of STEM doctoral graduates are women — one of the lowest shares among member states of the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development, underscoring persistent gender disparities in advanced scientific training. The EU Delegation in Seoul plans to mark International Women's Day — which falls on March 8 every year — on Friday at Dongdaemun Design Plaza, bringing together voices from academia, industry and research to discuss ways to strengthen women's roles in STEM. To address the structural barriers that still limit women's participation and leadership in STEM, the ambassador pointed to what he called a "holistic approach" drawn from European experiences. In practice, he said, that means combining tools that target both the workplace and the home: pay transparency, robust child care and parental leave and corporate governance goals that are backed by enforcement so they do not remain voluntary pledges. A significant milestone in this collaboration is Seoul's entry into Horizon Europe, the EU's flagship research and innovation program, in which South Korea became the first Asian country to join as a full associate member. "[This partnership] makes possible for Korean scientists to engage with European scientists at the same level, cosponsoring and bringing forward projects of mutual interest in the most innovative aspects of our economies, particularly the green and digital transition," Astuto said. The ambassador described South Korea-EU ties as deepening amid a shifting political landscape in Washington and rising protectionism. He underscored that "like-minded partners" should "come together" and bond more tightly than ever. Defense-industrial cooperation has also emerged as a sensitive but expanding pillar, as South Korean firms deepen their foothold in European markets, including in countries such as Poland, which have accelerated procurement since Russia's invasion of Ukraine. Addressing concerns that the EU's push for strategic autonomy could become a barrier for South Korean defense exports, Astuto framed the country's entry into the market as an opportunity for European security rather than a threat. "This is an integral part of our endeavor, so I would not see the one as opposed to the other," he said, as the initiative is "aimed at strengthening domestic industry and developing partnership with friends around the world globally," such as South Korea. Ukraine is the context in which Europe's security thinking has become indivisible from broader challenges that reach beyond the continent — including pressures on the rules-based order and implications for security in the Indo-Pacific. Astuto lauded Seoul's political backing, including support at the United Nations General Assembly resolution presented by Ukraine and humanitarian assistance. He also addressed a recent action that drew controversy in Seoul — a "Vic...

    4 min

  2. 2D AGO

    Meanwhile : Hoffmann reads Beethoven

    The author is a music critic and director of the classical music brand Poongwoldang. Ernst Theodor Wilhelm Hoffmann (1776–1822) worked as a musician before achieving recognition as a writer. He admired Mozart so deeply that he changed his middle name from Wilhelm to Amadeus. Yet, admiration did not translate into financial stability. Hoffmann struggled to make a living and his career was marked by repeated misfortune. In September 1808 he was appointed music director at the theater in Bamberg. The position quickly proved untenable. Orchestra members had already formed their own alliances and largely ignored the instructions of their new conductor. Performances deteriorated and Hoffmann had little opportunity to correct the situation. Within two months, he lost the post. The small house that still remains in Bamberg reflects the modest and difficult circumstances he endured during that period. Yet, during this difficult moment, Hoffmann made an important intellectual leap. Though forced off the conductor's podium, he could still write. He published an essay on Beethoven's Symphony No. 5 in the Allgemeine musikalische Zeitung, a Leipzig-based music journal. Written little more than a year after the symphony's premiere on Dec. 22, 1808, the essay captured the essence of Beethoven's music with unusual clarity. It revealed not only Hoffmann's deep musical knowledge but also his remarkably forward-looking aesthetic perspective. Hoffmann described Beethoven's music as awakening a sense of infinite longing, a defining element of Romanticism. In his words, Beethoven's music "sets in motion the levers of fear, trembling, terror and pain and awakens that endless yearning which is the essence of Romanticism." For Hoffmann, the experience of suffering deepened the will to live. This realization became a turning point in his own creative life. Through Beethoven's Symphony No. 5 (1808), widely known in Korea as the "Fate" symphony, Hoffmann believed he had glimpsed the depths of human suffering and the inner life of the soul. From that point forward, he turned increasingly to the darker aspects of the human psyche, exploring realms that reason alone could not fully grasp. His literary imagination focused on the hidden and unsettling dimensions of human experience. By confronting pain and darkness, Hoffmann believed one could protect the essential power of human imagination. This effort also meant exploring a vast realm long overlooked: the mystery of the human soul. In that sense Beethoven's music served as a kind of midwife for Hoffmann's literary career. Music and literature, like sister arts, can assist one another in deepening humanity's understanding of itself. This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

    3 min

  3. 2D AGO

    Forget the Kospi and Gangnam home prices

    The author is an editorial writer at the JoongAng Ilbo. "Will it really reach 5,000?" Around the time the ruling party formed a "Kospi 5000 Special Committee," shortly after the presidential election, a lawmaker on the committee reportedly asked a private-sector expert this question with visible skepticism. The target of 5,000 had been proposed in line with a campaign pledge by President Lee Jae Myung, but even some of those promoting it did not fully believe it would be realized. The expert responded with a polite remark: If one sets a bold goal, perhaps it might eventually be achieved, even if not during the current administration. For many in the market, the idea of a Kospi at 5,000 had long been considered a dream level. Neither lawmakers involved in the committee nor capital market specialists expected the target to be reached just seven months after the new government took office. The lawmaker later contacted the same expert again, this time asking whether the market was rising too quickly. Achieving the target earlier than expected was welcome, but there was also concern about whether the market could suddenly fall. The expert replied that such an index level could not be created simply because a government wanted it. This time, he said, the rise had been driven by corporate performance rather than policy. Indeed, the sudden surge toward 5,000 was largely powered by the semiconductor sector. Memory chip prices jumped amid rising demand from AI data centers, pushing expected earnings for Samsung Electronics and SK hynix sharply higher. Policy measures, including revisions to the Commercial Act, also played a role, though largely as a supporting factor. The problem came afterward. Within only a month the index surged past 6,000 as the market began showing signs of overheating. A wave of FOMO-driven money poured into stocks as investors feared being left behind during a booming market. Even analysts who had long criticized the undervaluation of Korean equities began warning that the pace of the rally was too rapid. Reports also circulated that borrowing to invest in stocks was increasing sharply. Yet authorities expressed little concern. Instead the surge was described positively as a "money move" from speculative real estate markets toward a more productive capital market. News that the National Pension Service would increase its allocation to domestic equities also circulated. The market may well have interpreted this as a signal to buy stocks even with borrowed funds. But when mountains grow high, valleys can run deep. After the United States launched a strike on Iran, the Kospi plunged 20 percent over two days. Compared to Japan, which faced similar economic conditions, the volatility appeared excessive. Analysts say the index had risen too quickly and that unstable funds, including borrowed money, had flowed heavily into the market, leaving it vulnerable to external shocks. Although the market rebounded sharply on Thursday, the roller-coaster movement has prompted some investors to ask whether it is really different from the cryptocurrency market. Stock indexes should be understood as results of policy, not as policy goals themselves. When economic fundamentals strengthen and corporate competitiveness improves, company earnings rise and stable capital flows into the stock market. Sustainable value growth cannot depend on short-term funds reacting to the fluctuating earnings of a small number of large companies. Seeking quick results rather than building economic strength can produce unwanted side effects. Relying on stimulants instead of improving fundamentals may offer temporary boosts but risks long-term instability. The confusion between policy goals and policy outcomes is also visible in real estate policy. When apartment prices in the Gangnam area began to decline, some government officials openly celebrated. One senior official reportedly remarked that the president had personally succeeded in bringing down...

    5 min

  4. 2D AGO

    What a 17 percent approval rating means for the People Power Party

    The author is a senior editorial writer at the JoongAng Ilbo. President Lee Jae Myung declined to exercise his veto against the so-called three judicial reform bills—introducing constitutional complaints against court rulings, creating the crime of distortion of law and expanding the number of Supreme Court justices—and instead approved them at a Cabinet meeting. Warnings from Chief Justice Jo Hee-de that the measures could directly harm citizens, along with criticism from former presidents of the Korean Bar Association who described the legislation as a fundamental blow to the judicial structure and the separation of powers, were ultimately set aside. Holding both executive and legislative power, the ruling bloc pushed the measures through despite objections from the judiciary and revised the framework of an 80-year-old judicial system in ways critics say favor those in power. That is precisely what many observers view as an infringement on the principle of separation of powers. Whether the intended beneficiary is President Lee or someone else does not change the underlying concern. Lee's swift decision may not be unrelated to the low approval ratings of the People Power Party, the main opposition force. A survey released in late February showed the party's support at 17 percent. The figure came from the National Barometer Survey conducted by Embrain Public, KStat Research, Korea Research and Hankook Research and released on Feb. 26. The number is even lower than the party's rating during the Dec. 3 martial law crisis in 2024, when its support stood at 26 percent. Song Eon-seog, floor leader of the People Power Party, condemned the passage of the judicial reform bills in the National Assembly and warned that "dictatorship has already begun." Whether the current administration should be described as authoritarian will likely depend on political affiliation. The more notable reality is that many polls show support for the Democratic Party roughly double that of the People Power Party, while approval ratings for President Lee's administration exceed 60 percent. Political parties do not operate solely according to polling numbers. Yet the fact that the People Power Party's support is far lower today than during the martial law crisis demands attention. The 17 percent figure likely reflects disappointment and anger among moderate conservatives and centrist voters who believe the party has failed, even after more than a year, to move beyond the legacy of martial law and the impeachment crisis that followed. Many people regarded the declaration of emergency martial law as the delusional decision of former President Yoon Suk Yeol alone. In fact 18 lawmakers from the People Power Party voted in the National Assembly to lift the martial law order and the party itself was not involved in planning it. A clean break with Yoon therefore seemed the natural next step. Instead party leader Jang Dong-hyeok refused to sever ties. Supporters who defended martial law and opposed Yoon's impeachment, sometimes described as the "Yoon Again" faction, soon gathered around the leadership. For many voters who had hoped the party would return to a more conventional conservative stance, that decision became the turning point that drove them away. Several developments in the party have puzzled observers. One concerns the leadership's reading of public sentiment. Jang reportedly told lawmakers that internal polling showed more than 70 percent of People Power Party supporters opposed the life sentence handed down to Yoon and urged the party to focus on consolidating its base. Elections, however, are not won with core supporters alone. Without support from centrist voters, victory becomes nearly impossible. Surveys suggest that among centrists 45 percent consider the life sentence too lenient while 31 percent view it as appropriate. Another poll found that 71 percent of centrists regard the Dec. 3 martial law declaration as an act of insurrection. Despi...

    5 min

  5. 2D AGO

    Time to discuss AI's social acceptance

    Oh Se-jung The author is a professor emeritus of physics and astronomy and a former president of Seoul National University. In early March 2016, Korea hosted the historic Go match between AlphaGo and professional player Lee Se-dol, though many people did not fully grasp its significance at the time. This match foreshadowed humanity's future, as a computer powered by AI demonstrated that it could surpass human capabilities in certain domains. Many observers initially dismissed the event as a phenomenon limited to the specialized field of Go. That perception changed dramatically in late November 2022, when the generative AI chatbot ChatGPT was released. Major technology companies around the world began investing enormous sums into AI development, causing the technology to advance rapidly. AI systems are now capable of carrying out complex assignments through so-called agentic AI. However, one important issue has been pushed aside: the social implications and ethical questions surrounding AI. AI is a disruptive technology, and its influence may ultimately surpass that of any earlier technological development, with many expecting it to transform everyday life and reshape social structures. Some observers have even speculated that the emergence of artificial superintelligence could pose existential risks to humanity. Geoffrey Hinton, often referred to as a pioneer of modern AI research, has warned about the technology's potential dangers and has said he sometimes regrets his own role in advancing it. Despite such concerns, companies locked in fierce competition largely treat these issues as someone else's problem. Countries leading the race to develop AI technologies, particularly the United States and China, have focused primarily on technological advancement rather than the broader social consequences. Korea is no exception. The government has adopted a national strategy aimed at turning Korea into one of the world's top three leading AI powers. To support that goal, it established the National AI Strategy Committee directly under the president. The committee is organized into eight divisions, most of which focus on technological innovation, industrial development and training specialists. Only one division is dedicated to examining the social impact of AI, and this choice reveals where the government's priorities lie. But AI has already entered the daily lives of ordinary people. It is no longer a matter that concerns only developers and researchers. Among university students, for example, those who have never used AI tools are now likely a small minority. And workers, observing the rapid progress of robotics, often described as physical AI, have begun to worry that their jobs may eventually disappear. AI systems are also becoming capable of performing tasks once handled by entry-level workers, such as research and data analysis. As a result, some law firms and accounting firms have already begun reducing the number of new recruits. If these trends spread widely, people will undoubtedly begin to ask serious questions. Who will support the livelihoods of workers whose jobs disappear? Who will pay taxes if large numbers of employees are displaced? If companies stop hiring entry-level workers altogether, how will experienced professionals be trained to detect and correct the mistakes that AI systems inevitably make? Such questions suggest that cultivating skilled AI engineers should not be our only priority. What is equally important is preparing responses for the many people, institutions and social systems that have already been affected by the application of AI technologies. Timing complicates matters even more. Technological innovation often proceeds rapidly, but the creation of new social institutions and regulatory frameworks tends to take far longer. For that reason, preparation must begin well in advance. But discussions about the "social acceptance" of AI remain limited. Universities offer a clear example of this gap....

    5 min

  6. 2D AGO

    Iran war triggers unprecedented gasoline price cap in Korea

    A sharp rise in domestic fuel prices following tensions in the Middle East has prompted the government to consider an unprecedented intervention in the gasoline market. President Lee Jae Myung on Thursday ordered officials to prepare a "maximum price designation system" for gasoline. The measure would allow the government to set a ceiling on retail fuel prices if authorities determine that excessive increases are occurring. Lee said the government must respond firmly to attempts to hoard fuel or exploit the crisis through unreasonable profits. "Even if people say money can be a devil, this seems excessive," he said, criticizing what he described as opportunistic price increases. Deputy Prime Minister and Finance Minister Koo Yun-cheol also warned against sharp price hikes. He said that considering the usual time lag between international oil prices and domestic fuel costs, it is too early for global price movements to significantly affect Korea's retail market. Raising prices excessively under such conditions amounts to profiteering that harms ordinary people's livelihoods, he added. Fuel prices have indeed climbed quickly. As of 4 p.m. Thursday, the average price of gasoline at stations nationwide stood at 1,834.32 won per liter ($6.94 per gallon), up 56.84 won, or 3.2 percent, from the previous day. The figure marks the highest level in three years and seven months. Domestic gasoline prices usually follow refined product prices in the Singapore market with a lag of two to three weeks. Although international oil prices have risen and currency volatility has increased pressure on import costs, the recent pace of price increases appears excessive. The government is right to crack down on market disruptions such as hoarding, collusion or other practices that exploit a crisis, analysts say. At the same time, however, direct government regulation of market prices should be approached with caution. The Petroleum and Alternative Fuel Business Act provides a legal basis for the government to designate maximum fuel prices in exceptional circumstances. Yet there are few precedents for nationwide regulation of retail gasoline prices at service stations. Lee appeared aware of these concerns when he said that if a uniform national ceiling proves difficult, authorities should explore practical alternatives such as applying the policy by region or by fuel type. The debate comes shortly after the government issued a rare order requiring flour producers suspected of collusion to reset prices. Although the Monopoly Regulation and Fair Trade Act contains such provisions, they have not been invoked in about two decades. The long period of nonuse reflects the government's reluctance to intervene directly in market pricing. Having a legal basis for intervention does not automatically make such actions desirable. Regulation based solely on legal authority is not always the best policy response, nor does it necessarily reflect sound governance under the rule of law. Authorities should therefore carefully distinguish between what the government must do and what should be left to the market. This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

    3 min

  7. 2D AGO

    Mingles awarded Michelin 3-star among growing constellation in Korea

    This article is by Woo Ji-won and read by an artificial voice. Continuing on its three-star status from last year, Mingles is also the only three-star restaurant in Korea selected by the Guide this year. Located in Gangnam District, southern Seoul, Mingles is a contemporary fine-dining restaurant that interprets traditional Korean flavors with modern twist. It has ranked two Michelin stars for seven consecutive years until earning its third star last year. Mosu, headed by celebrity chef Anh Sung-jae, won two stars after reopening in Itaewon-dong in Seoul last year. Mosu received three stars in 2024 with its previous outlet in Hannam-dong. "I am honored to be here today with respectable chefs and those in the dining business. Our team members have worked hard. Thank you for recognizing our identity, our goal and the direction in which the restaurant is heading," said Ahn during the ceremony. Sosuheon, a high-end sushi restaurant run by Chef Park Kyung-jae, was also promoted to two-stars. "I am 100 times happier than when I first received two stars a few years years ago," said Sosuheon chef. Jungsik, Evett, Restaurant Allen, Kwonsooksoo, Mitou, La Yeon, alla prima and Soigné also received two stars. The "Michelin Guide Seoul & Busan 2026," marking the guide's 10th anniversary in Korea, covers two cities — Seoul and Busan — with Busan having debuted in the guide in 2023. Of 223 selected restaurants, 178 are in Seoul and 55 are in Busan. This year's Guide recorded the highest number of new Michelin-starred restaurants since its launch in Korea. Four restaurants in Seoul and one restaurant in Busan debuted on this year's one-star list: GiwaKang, Le DORER, SAN, Sushi Kanesaka, Collage and Le DORER. were newly added. Le DORER chef Kim Chang-wook also received Young Chef, Korean contemporary in Busan, at this year's award. SAN recently won the One To Watch Award 2026 by Asia's 50 Best Restaurants. Among the restaurants promoted from Michelin's Selected category to one-star status are Jueun, GAGGEN by Choi Junho, Hakusi and Le DORER. The Selected category recognizes restaurants worth an entry-level recommendation for high-quality food and service but fall just short of receiving a star. This year, the Michelin Guide has added a new Opening of the Year award for its Korean edition, which went to IAán in Busan. The award is given to new restaurants that have had a successful opening within the past 12 months, for their innovative concepts and creative approaches to cuisine. Thursday's ceremony also announced special awards. The Service Award, appreciating a restaurant's front-of-house hospitality, went to Kim Il-woo, manager of Italian Contemporary Gucci Osteria da Massimo Bottura in Gangnam. The Green Star Award, given to restaurants practicing exceptional sustainability, went to four restaurants, including Fiotto, Gigas. Gosari Express and Mitou. The Michelin Guide is a fine dining guide that lists restaurants and eateries that it recommends in various cities across the globe divided into four categories, from one-starred locations to three-starred, in addition to a Bib Gourmand selection for high quality meals at budget prices.

    3 min

  8. 2D AGO

    Is Park Chan-wook's Cannes appointment a sign of respect for the director or Korean cinema overall?

    This article is by Kim Ji-ye and read by an artificial voice. When Korean filmmaker Park Chan-wook was appointed as the President of the Jury for the feature films competition section of the Cannes Film Festival last month, some might have wondered why. Although Park has long been considered a Cannes favorite, even sometimes called "Cannes Park" for winning the Grand Prix in 2004 for "Oldboy" (2003), the Jury Prize for "Thirst" (2009) and Best Director for "Decision to Leave" (2022), the 62-year-old director has never nabbed the Palme d'Or, the festival's top prize, which his peer Bong Joon-ho achieved with "Parasite" (2019). Now, as the jury president, Park is to oversee the deliberation process to select the winners from the films in competition, including the festival's top honor, the Palme d'Or, alongside eight other jury members. This year's jury members have yet to be announced, as the panel is newly appointed each year. Park will also announce and present this year's Palme d'Or at the closing ceremony. "Park Chan-wook's inventiveness, visual mastery and penchant for capturing the multiple impulses of women and men with strange destinies have given contemporary cinema some truly memorable moments," said festival president Iris Knobloch and director Thierry Frémaux in a press statement announcing the appointment. "We are delighted to celebrate his immense talent and, more broadly, the cinema of a country deeply engaged with the questioning of our time." Yet the decision still invites questions: Why Park, why now and does this signal another step forward for Korean cinema? While both Park and Bong are widely regarded as auteurs, Park's works, especially his "Vengeance Trilogy" — "Sympathy for Mr. Vengeance" (2002), "Oldboy" and "Sympathy for Lady Vengeance" (2005) — gained early and significant recognition in France, where the festival is based, following his first major accolade at the festival. The film's Grand Prix win in 2004 was also the first time a Korean film received a major award at the festival, marking a turning point in introducing Korean cinema to global audiences, as well as Park's works. French magazine Télérama even wrote that the trilogy "exported Korean cinema beyond its borders." In the years that followed, Park developed a cult audience in France for his distinctive cinematic style and was frequently described within French cinephile circles as an auteur marked by stylistic intensity. Reflecting its enduring popularity, the trilogy was rereleased in French theaters in 2024. Park also served as a jury member at the 2017 Cannes Film Festival, presided over by Pedro Almodóvar. By contrast, Bong Joon-ho — while equally regarded as an influential filmmaker and widely acclaimed by critics — has pursued a more active trajectory in Hollywood. His films tend to be more accessible to broader audiences, blending genre entertainment with sharp social satire. He has collaborated with major international studios, including Warner Bros. and Netflix, on English-language productions such as "Okja" (2017) and "Mickey 17" (2025). As such, this foundation, along with Park's longstanding relationship with the festival, may have led to Park's appointment, critics say. "The Cannes Film Festival is, after all, a festival held in France, and no matter how fairly it tries to judge, the perspectives of the French film community are likely to be reflected to some extent," pop culture critic Sung Sang-min said. "It's not that Bong's work hasn't been well received, but Park's 'Vengeance Trilogy' drew significant attention in France, even in a time when Korean cinema, more broadly Asian cinema, had far less global recognition." "I do believe that the festival may have been more inclined to appoint a director who had, in many ways, left a strong impression on the French film scene." Sustaining a high level of artistic achievement and public recognition over time is also no easy task for a director. And Park is regarded as a figu...

    7 min
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Audio recordings of the Korea JoongAng Daily's in-depth, on-the-scene news articles and features informing readers around the world of the issues of the day in Korea. Under the slogan "Your window to Korea", the Korea JoongAng Daily is an English-language news organization focused on Korea that strives to publish factual, timely and unbiased articles.

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