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David Maglia
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  1. 1d ago

    Petra Hůlová: Trendy z New Yorku

    1. English Translation Petra Hůlová: Trends from New York Before flying to New York, I was worried about all the changes here with Trump. Recently, my best friend was banned for life from entering the USA because her children were not allowed to attend school on the visa she had for work some time ago. Until she faced the immigration officer, neither the school nor the authorities had any problem with that visa. However, she will never visit the USA again. I am lucky. The immigration officer jokes with me about the English translation of my book, which is why I came here. He asks when something based on my book will be filmed in Hollywood and adds that Jennifer Lopez should definitely play the main character. Hahaha. My husband has it worse. The officer he dealt with openly laughs with a colleague about him being from the Czech Republic (Where is that? Does it exist?) and enjoys his English. A few hours later, I sneak through the outskirts of Queens with a whistle around my neck. It is the first thing I got here from my translator. It serves as a warning to others that an ICE (Immigration and Customs Enforcement) unit is nearby, the infamous Trump units that illegally arrest and take away those working illegally in the USA to detention centers, even though they do not have court permission and simply ignore the laws. "Law is a vibe," says my translator and laughs. At least in the subway, everything should be like a few years ago, I hope, and at first, it looks that way. One of the oldest subways in the world is just a bit more falling apart, and a few digital information boards have been added, but there are still many fewer than in the Prague subway. After a while, I notice advertisements. A good fifth of them are about AI. Inside the car, there are ads saying: "Own your specialized intelligence," "No one remembers why, everybody just asks Brenda," or "Where humans and agents flow together," an ad for Asana. The competition between commercial personalized AI agents is in full swing here. The visuals of the AI ads are undoubtedly also made by AI; they are creative, attractive, and colorful. However, the posters I notice when I get out of the subway are inconspicuous A4 papers. They hang on poles and corners, and their text is printed on a simple home printer. They all have the same message in many ways: AI took my job after decades in my field, I cannot find a new one, so I am trying this way, please employ me. Going to the USA always meant having the chance to learn about trends that were coming to us and gave time to prepare – sometimes a few years, sometimes a few months or weeks. I dare to believe that although many things change, this still applies today. The author is a writer. 2. Summary Petra Hůlová shares her experience arriving in New York during the Trump era. She describes the difficulties faced by her friend, who was banned from the USA for life, and the unfriendly treatment her husband received at immigration. She explains the presence of ICE units that arrest undocumented workers without court permission. In the subway, she notices many advertisements about AI, showing the growing competition in this field. However, she also sees posters from people who lost jobs due to AI and are looking for work. Despite changes, she believes the USA still leads in setting trends that reach other countries later. 3. Reading Comprehension Exercise 1. Why was Petra Hůlová’s friend banned from entering the USA? 2. How did the immigration officers treat Petra and her husband differently? 3. What is the purpose of the whistle Petra carries in Queens? 4. What kind of advertisements did Petra notice in the New York subway? 5. What message did the posters outside the subway convey about AI? 4. Key Vocabulary (English → Czech) - immigration officer – imigrační úředník - visa – vízum - detention center – detenční centrum - subway – metro - advertisement – reklama - artificial intelligence (AI) – umělá inteligence - job – práce - employ – zaměstnat - translator – překladatel - trend – trend - competition – konkurence - outskirts – okrajová část

  2. 2d ago

    Petros Michopulos: Skleněná čelist Andreje Babiše

    1. English Translation Petros Michopulos: The Glass Jaw of Andrej Babiš The prime minister, who governs with two extremist parties (yes, I also consider the Motorists extremists because no one but extremists would call for the abolition of the Constitutional Court), has decided to show sharp teeth to voters and prove that he is a tough guy. He does not want to be overshadowed by either Macinka or Okamura because he believes that in this election period he will manage to "eat up" the voters of his coalition partners just as he did with the social democrats. We can observe a gradual radicalization since the elections, which resembles extremist poker, where Babiš responds to each boundary shift by one of the coalition partners by raising the stakes. We saw this in the conflict between the Motorists and the president, in the pre-election campaign, and most recently in the law on public media. Babiš was always lured by the Motorists and SPD to raise the stakes so he would not be seen as a coward. He clearly still dreams of a future single-party government after he once gains 45 percent or more at the expense of these parties. In doing so, in my opinion, he stopped noticing the level of the game he reached and how far from his middle-class voters he has moved. Just like several times in the past, he underestimated Czech realities and the Czech collective memory, with which he never merged and for which he has no developed empathy. Surrounded by his Slovak and Hungarian advisors and in permanent contact with his senior voters, he did not notice that over the past fifteen years a new, invisible generation has also grown up, on which some of his tricks no longer work. Macinka and Okamura dragged him into a place in the game over Czech Television and Czech Radio where he probably did not want to be, and it strongly resembles the half-year-old conflict with the Castle (the presidential office). In June, we could hear strong words from both Babiš and Macinka, including jihadist videos by the prime minister aimed at Petr Pavel, only for the whole fight to end almost with love and pacification of the Motorists including Filip Turek. Today, Petr Macinka supports Petr Pavel’s candidacy for the position of European negotiator, and after extreme cohabitation, the ground has settled. It actually took very little. They met someone who faced them head-on and challenged them to a direct fight in the ring. Petr Pavel is clearly a person for whom such confrontations are not a problem and who has probably had a few in his life. Petr Macinka and Andrej Babiš have not. Both are masters of side attacks and ideally with great superiority. In such a situation, they turn into tigers. In the last clash around public media, we can observe a similar course. Very strong statements, bending with the force of almost everything the post-revolution parliament has experienced, aggressive attacks on journalists, confident statements about a thousand percent certainty of victory. The public’s reaction is appropriate to the pressure used. Also extreme. The improvised demonstration at the Old Town Square caused a complete blockade not only of the square but the entire Old Town, and the following demonstration on the eve of November 17 at Letná Plain, I think, will exceed all expectations of both the organizers and Andrej Babiš. Meanwhile, as in the case of the conflict with the Castle, we can see the gradual retreat mainly of ANO movement politicians including Andrej Babiš. We hear sentences about the second reading where everything can still change and compromises can be reached, we even hear further compromise proposals, and there was also self-criticism from Patrik Nacher that the way the discussion was conducted was not tactical. In addition, in connection with the way the law was pushed through, at 4:36 a.m., the first MP from the ANO movement left, and in the corridors, the bloody conflict between the ANO club chairwoman Malá and Minister Plaga is cheerfully discussed. He refused to participate in the pressured vote at half past four in the morning and left the parliament. The whole situation was certainly not helped by Tomio Okamura boastfully telling the media that the entire discussion had a conspiratorial prelude from the coalition parties, which included a plan to prevent discussion in parliament. The Constitutional Court will surely examine this in detail, and Andrej Babiš sees and hears all these things. In the coming days, we can expect many demonstrations, many statements, and I think we will also witness what a glass jaw looks like. Glass jaw is a boxing term for a fighter who cannot take a hit and goes down after the first precise punch to the face. We will see if, as in the case of the president, the government and Andrej Babiš will face this time a fighter or fighters who, knowing that the other side has a glass jaw, will be able to deliver precisely aimed punches. Petr Pavel recently showed us that it is possible. Petros Michopulos is co-author of the podcast Kecy & Politika. 2. Summary The article discusses the political strategy of Czech Prime Minister Andrej Babiš, who governs with two extremist parties. Babiš has been increasingly radical since the elections, raising the stakes in conflicts with his coalition partners to appear strong. However, he has underestimated Czech realities and a new generation of voters who no longer respond to his tactics. The recent conflict over public media laws led to strong public protests and political retreat by Babiš and his party. The author compares Babiš to a boxer with a "glass jaw," vulnerable to precise attacks, and suggests that opponents like Petr Pavel are capable of exploiting this weakness. The situation is expected to continue with more demonstrations and political tension. 3. Reading Comprehension Exercise 1. Why does the author consider the Motorists an extremist party? 2. How has Andrej Babiš reacted to the actions of his coalition partners since the elections? 3. What mistake has Babiš made regarding Czech voters, according to the article? 4. What was the public’s reaction to the law on public media? 5. What does the term "glass jaw" mean in the context of this article? 4. Key Vocabulary (English → Czech) - Prime minister → předseda vlády - Extremist → extremistický - Coalition partner → koaliční partner - Radicalization → radikalizace - Public media → veřejnoprávní média - Demonstration → demonstrace - Compromise → kompromis - Empathy → empatie - Conflict → konflikt - Vote → hlasování - Boxing term → boxerský termín - Fighter → bojovník

  3. 4d ago

    Ivan Mikloš: Hledání racionality v Trumpově politice

    1. English Translation Ivan Mikloš: Searching for Rationality in Trump’s Politics Almost no day passes without Trump doing or saying something foolish, nonsensical, harmful, but mainly self-centered. In other words, he regularly shocks, but no longer surprises. His weakness for dictators is strikingly obvious, and it is clear that he not only admires them but also envies them. Although it is true that he shocks but does not surprise, and although since the beginning of his second term he has been more on Russia’s side than Ukraine’s, his latest open embrace of Putin and rejection of Zelensky, including the cancellation of the ban on importing Russian oil to the USA, surprised me. This happened only three weeks before the US midterm elections, at a time when Trump’s party faces the risk of losing the majority not only in the House of Representatives but also in the Senate. This move is usually explained by the fact that one of the important reasons for Donald Trump’s (and thus his party’s) unpopularity is high prices, especially high fuel prices, with Trump claiming that the main cause is Ukraine’s bombing of Russian refineries. He says that importing Russian oil to the USA will solve the problem. None of this is true, which of course does not mean that this untruth cannot politically work in favor of Trump and his party. Politics is like that – reality is not important, but how and what reality people perceive. That is the magic of effective propaganda. However, in this case, in my opinion, it is obvious that it cannot even work as purposeful propaganda. According to all surveys, support for Ukraine among Americans ranges between 57 and 66 percent, while support for Russia is between 2 and 3 percent. If in this situation Trump attacks the victim and supports the aggressor, if he criticizes and rejects Zelensky and embraces the war criminal and mass murderer Putin, then his story about high fuel prices caused by Ukraine simply cannot work. Moreover, prices at American gas stations will not change before the elections, and if they do, it will be upwards. Some influential Republican congressmen and senators who publicly criticize his pro-Russian and anti-Ukrainian policy also understand that this is counterproductive. The question then is – why does he do it? After all, the fact that he had exceptionally good political instincts in the past, not so long ago, is evidenced by the fact that he was repeatedly elected president of the USA. I do not know the exact answer, but I think he has lost these instincts. I realized this already in spring, a few weeks after the start of the war against Iran, when asked by the media if he minded that as a result of this war and the closure of Hormuz, American households pay higher prices for fuel and other goods, he answered no, that he does not mind. I feel that his ego, under the influence of the power he holds, has grown to such proportions that it has suffocated any rationality and thus basic political instincts. Recently, I listened to a long interview with Trump’s niece Mary Trump, who is a clinical psychologist and who wrote a book about him in 2020 with the telling title Too Much and Never Enough. I recommend the interview – his niece describes Trump’s childhood without parental attention, love, and empathy, in a toxic family environment where ruthlessness, hardness, and cruelty were preferred, and generosity, sensitivity, and empathy were despised. This could not have left him unaffected. The most alarming rational explanation for his politically irrational behavior, however, may be that he no longer cares because he not only admires world dictators but wants to join them. So he may see elections only as one of the obstacles to overcome on the path he has taken. Ivan Mikloš is an economist, former politician, and political advisor. 2. Summary Ivan Mikloš discusses Donald Trump’s irrational and self-centered political behavior, especially his recent support for Putin and rejection of Zelensky. Despite the political risks before the US midterm elections, Trump canceled the ban on Russian oil imports, claiming it would lower fuel prices, which Mikloš says is false. Public opinion strongly supports Ukraine, making Trump’s pro-Russian stance counterproductive even within his party. Mikloš suggests Trump has lost his political instincts, possibly due to an inflated ego and a toxic upbringing. He warns that Trump may no longer care about rational politics because he admires dictators and wants to join their ranks. 3. Reading Comprehension Exercise 1. What is Ivan Mikloš’s opinion about Trump’s daily behavior? 2. How does Mikloš explain Trump’s support for Russian oil imports before the midterm elections? 3. What do surveys say about American support for Ukraine and Russia? 4. Why does Mikloš believe Trump’s political instincts have changed? 5. What does Mary Trump’s interview reveal about Donald Trump’s childhood? 4. Key Vocabulary (English → Czech) - foolish – **hloupý** - harmful – **škodlivý** - dictator – **diktátor** - embargo/ban – **zákaz** - fuel prices – **ceny pohonných hmot** - propaganda – **propaganda** - victim – **oběť** - aggressor – **agresor** - political instincts – **politické instinkty** - ego – **ego** - toxic – **toxický** - empathy – **empatie**

  4. 5d ago

    Marek Torčík: Jaké formy odporu ještě fungují

    1. English Translation Marek Torčík: What forms of resistance still work In March 1811, hundreds of textile workers gathered in Nottinghamshire, England. They protested against low wages and unbearable working conditions. They opposed new machines that took away their livelihood and produced goods that threatened their craft with below-average quality. That evening, some protesters in the town of Arnold broke into a factory and destroyed several knitting machines. In the following months, similar actions spread to other parts of England. The workers began to call themselves Luddites, after the legendary worker Ned Ludd. He once broke two knitting frames in a fit of rage. Today, the word Luddite is used to describe a person afraid of new technologies. A Luddite does not understand progress. However, the original conflict was much more complex. Luddites were not just opponents of machines; they tried to negotiate and bargain for the protection of working conditions, criticized child labor, and the poor quality of the products. When their demands met with the indifference of the powerful, they turned to direct action. The British state, together with factory owners, responded with force. In 1812, it introduced a law that punished the destruction of machines with death, and in January of the following year, it publicly executed seventeen men. The state protected the property of factory owners many decades before laws protecting workers, banning child labor, or slavery were established. For them, property always meant more than human lives. Progress is a strange thing. Once we live in a changed world, the result of the efforts of many people seems natural to us. As if it were inevitable. But it rarely comes from just exchanging opinions or politely expressed disagreement. We have stopped understanding that violence is often just an expression of frustration and helplessness. Saying that history resembles a struggle is a bit of a cliché, but it is still true. Those in power never simply give up privileges just because someone explains why they are unfair. Today's elites, however, unlike those in the past, like to hide behind the possibility of dialogue. In return for protests, they expect them to come at the right time and have a polite and harmless form. It is a strange paradox that has thrown us into a cynical era. If you want to change the system, you must not disrupt it in any way. Demonstrations must be clean and harmless. They should send a strong message, but what kind of message? What gesture in a time when all traditional and non-violent forms of struggle fail? Perhaps because no one hears it in the surrounding noise. None of the powerful simply care about the best-written petition or open letter. And if demonstrators happen to block a street, clash with opponents, or even damage someone's property? The whole discussion then shifts from the reason for dissatisfaction to the question of form: do you really want to protest like this? Right now? It seems like a hopeless situation. But what if we have become too narrow in how we see protest – as a one-time gesture, easily measured by the number of people in a crowd and whether it makes politicians change their minds? Resistance is gaining strength elsewhere too. In the pressure of strikes, in neighborhood initiatives that defend against steps destroying the shared environment for life. In long-term campaigns that connect different people with common problems. It is from such connections that a strength can arise that can no longer be easily dismissed. The author is a writer. 2. Summary The text discusses the historical and current forms of resistance, starting with the Luddites in 1811 England, who protested against poor working conditions and machines threatening their jobs. The Luddites were more than just opponents of technology; they sought negotiation but turned to direct action when ignored. The state responded harshly, protecting property over human lives. Today, protests are expected to be polite and harmless, which limits their impact. However, resistance continues in various forms like strikes and community initiatives, showing that strength can come from long-term collective action beyond traditional protests. 3. Reading Comprehension Exercise 1. What were the main reasons for the Luddites' protests in 1811? 2. How did the British state respond to the destruction of machines by the Luddites? 3. Why is the original conflict involving the Luddites described as more complex than just opposition to machines? 4. What paradox does the author describe about modern protests and the expectations of elites? 5. According to the text, where else does resistance gain strength besides traditional protests? 4. Key Vocabulary (English → Czech) - resistance – **odpor** - protest – **protest** - working conditions – **pracovní podmínky** - machine – **stroj** - negotiation – **vyjednávání** - direct action – **přímá akce** - property – **majetek** - progress – **pokrok** - demonstration – **demonstrace** - strike – **stávka** - initiative – **iniciativa** - campaign – **kampaň**

  5. Oct 23

    Nora Fridrichová: Potrestaná oběť psychiatra Cimického

    1. English Translation Nora Fridrichová: The Punished Victim of Psychiatrist Cimický Psychiatrist Jan Cimický was sentenced to prison. It took five years. Five years from the moment Jana Fabiánová was the first to publicly speak about what he had done to her in the past. After her, other women came forward. Without Jana, they might still be silent. However, she was also punished. Much earlier than the verdict against the psychiatrist was given. Jana is a singer and actress. She performed in theaters, appeared on stage, and made a living from what she could do. Then she publicly described her experience of sexual violence. And her professional world changed. They stopped casting her. Who would want an actress on stage around whom such a terrible case hovers? On one side is the victim's statement, and on the other, the previously respected psychiatrist. Jana was lucky in misfortune. She is also a graphic designer and web designer, so she had something to live on. If not, she would have lost her job completely. Only now, when the verdict was passed, did Jana describe in my interview how exhausting it was to watch the change in people's behavior around her. How colleagues and acquaintances began to look at her after her testimony was published. Is she not making it up by any chance? On the internet, they threatened her, saying they would destroy her and her family. They wrote that she wanted to become famous at the doctor's expense. Jana even seriously considered leaving the country. For deciding to speak out as a public figure, she paid a high price. And she was lucky that the court finally reached a condemning verdict. How many women will not get this because of a lack of evidence or less thorough police work? How many then live with doubts from others about whether they made it all up? Jana Fabiánová deserves our thanks. Not only for the courage with which she broke the silence but also for what she had to go through for a long five years. And also because, thanks to her, other women could speak who would otherwise have remained alone with their painful experience. Thank you, Jana. Nora Fridrichová is a journalist. 2. Summary Psychiatrist Jan Cimický was sentenced to prison after five years since Jana Fabiánová first publicly spoke about his sexual violence. Other women also came forward following her testimony. However, Jana faced professional consequences and social pressure much earlier, losing acting roles and facing threats online. Despite the difficulties, she continued to speak out, which helped other victims find their voice. The article emphasizes the courage Jana showed and the challenges many women face when reporting abuse, including disbelief and lack of evidence. Jana’s actions are recognized as important and deserving of gratitude. 3. Reading Comprehension Exercise 1. How long did it take for psychiatrist Jan Cimický to be sentenced after Jana Fabiánová spoke out? 2. What professions does Jana Fabiánová have? 3. What happened to Jana’s career after she publicly shared her experience? 4. How did people react to Jana’s testimony? 5. Why does the article say Jana deserves thanks? 4. Key Vocabulary (English → Czech) - psychiatrist – **psychiatr** - sentenced – **odsouzen** - victim – **oběť** - sexual violence – **sexuální násilí** - testimony – **svědectví** - career – **profesní svět** - threats – **vyhrožování** - courage – **odvaha** - silence – **mlčení** - verdict – **rozsudek** - evidence – **důkazy** - journalist – **novinářka**

  6. Oct 22

    Jana Matesová: Stát není firma, ale kdyby byl, voliči v demokracii by byli akcionáři

    1. English Translation Jana Matesová: The state is not a company, but if it were, voters in a democracy would be shareholders. Voters are not subordinates of the government; they are not employees. You cannot take their money away just because they gave you the right to manage it, due to a lack of unconditional loyalty. Voters are not clients of a company either. Voters are shareholders. If, from the position of the board, you accuse them angrily or threaten to take away the money they entrusted to you, guess what will happen. The state is not a big company. It is not a company at all. There are many differences. Even in terms of decision-making, the state and a company only have some overlaps, but some are significant, and therefore, for analogies between the management and governance of a democratic state on one side and the management and governance of a corporation on the other, the terminology of corporate governance and management can be used without much hesitation. Voters are not employees of the state. They are not subordinates of the board or the government. They are not clients of a company either; this is a serious misunderstanding. Companies decide which group of clients they will serve; it is their right and, in most cases, a necessity for efficiency and manageability. Clients not served by one company become clients of another company. Most voters do not move away from a democratic country if they are unhappy with how the government manages their country. Only the young, most capable, and those without strong commitments leave. We have observed the exodus of very educated and capable young people from Slovakia for several years. In corporate governance terminology, voters are shareholders. Shareholders who have chosen the board to manage their country. If, as a board member, you accuse shareholders angrily because they were not friendly enough to you or because they do not rely only on you as a source of information, and you threaten to take away their property with the words "I have the budget," what will happen? Some moderate shareholders will just delay voting on your fate and give you a second chance. Some will vote directly against you. 2. Summary Jana Matesová explains that the state is not a company, but if it were, voters would be like shareholders. Voters are not employees or clients of the government; they entrust the government with managing their resources. Unlike clients of companies, voters usually do not leave their country if they are dissatisfied, except for some young and capable individuals. The relationship between voters and the government can be compared to shareholders and a board of directors. If the government threatens or accuses voters unfairly, voters may react by voting against the government or withholding support. 3. Reading Comprehension Exercise 1. According to Jana Matesová, what is the role of voters in a democracy? 2. Why does the author say the state is not a company? 3. How does the author compare voters to clients of a company? 4. What happens if the board accuses shareholders angrily or threatens to take away their money? 5. What is the observed trend among young people in Slovakia mentioned in the text? 4. Key Vocabulary (English → Czech) - voter – **volič** - shareholder – **akcionář** - government – **vláda** - company – **firma** - board of directors – **představenstvo** - client – **klient** - management – **správa** - budget – **rozpočet** - democracy – **demokracie** - property – **majetek** - decision-making – **rozhodování** - exodus – **exodus**

  7. Oct 21

    Sobectví nade vše

    1. English Translation Selfishness Above All "America First," America above all, was the slogan of Donald Trump and his MAGA movement. Some people even outside the USA understand this approach. "They are fulfilling their election program, what is wrong with that?" some discussants write to me on social networks. "Every politician should put their country first." Yes, it is certainly good to put your country first. The problem begins when someone starts promoting its benefit at the expense of others. It is especially serious when it is done even at the expense of one's own friends and allies. You may want America to be great, but only until you start demanding Greenland or begin betraying your allies because their enemy offered cheap oil. This is exactly where understanding for this principle should end. As Yuval Harari said in his speech at Forum 2000 – the problem with American politics is that it does not want allies but vassals. And it is not good to be a vassal to anyone, not even to a state that long represented the main center of democracy and freedom. Even less so after it stopped being that. Moreover, let's imagine it in private life. "My family first," says the neighbor, and because he has a smaller garden, you build a pool for your children on your property. He did not even ask, but family first, right? A business partner promised to deliver goods you count on, but someone offered him more, so you are out of luck – own profit first. Would you want such neighbors and business partners? If not, do not wish for a world where self-interest is above all others and solidarity or alliance are unknown concepts. For countries like the Czech Republic, promoting their own interests at the expense of others is an especially problematic slogan. Our geographical location has destined us to be interested in influence from states to the west and east of us. We have tried being vassals to Germany and Russia in history, and most of us are not comforted by the fact that both countries only fulfilled the slogan "our state (or ideology) first"... The breakdown of allied ties and interstate relations based on cooperation is one of the greatest geopolitical risks today. Let us not doubt that if they finally collapse, the slogan "Czechia above all" would not help us. Perhaps only those who look forward to vassalage because they would like to be satraps. Selfishness is not a good principle in private life or foreign policy, and in the latter, we could be one of its first victims. Ivan Pilip is an economist and former politician. 2. Summary The article discusses the slogan "America First" and its implications, noting that while putting one's country first is understandable, it becomes problematic when it harms others, especially allies. The author warns against prioritizing national interests to the detriment of cooperation and solidarity, comparing it to selfish behavior in private life. For countries like the Czech Republic, which are situated between powerful neighbors, such selfish policies are particularly risky. The breakdown of alliances and cooperative relations poses a major geopolitical threat. Ultimately, selfishness is not a good principle in either personal life or foreign policy, and it could harm countries like the Czech Republic. 3. Reading Comprehension Exercise 1. What is the main problem with the "America First" approach according to the article? 2. How does the author compare selfish national policies to private life situations? 3. Why is promoting national interests at the expense of others especially problematic for the Czech Republic? 4. What does Yuval Harari say about American politics in his speech at Forum 2000? 5. What could be the consequences if allied ties and interstate cooperation break down? 4. Key Vocabulary (English → Czech) - selfishness – **sobectví** - slogan – **heslo** - ally – **spojenec** - vassal – **vazal** - cooperation – **spolupráce** - influence – **vliv** - geopolitical risk – **geopolitické riziko** - foreign policy – **zahraniční politika** - private life – **soukromý život** - betrayal – **zrada** - solidarity – **solidarita** - election program – **volební program**

  8. Oct 20

    Šárka Homfray: Šetřit na státu znamená šetřit i na právní jistotě

    1. English Translation Šárka Homfray: Saving on the state means saving on legal certainty When we go to an office, whether in Prague, Hradec Králové, or a small village, we expect the same rules to be applied equally. A new study by the Public Defender of Rights, which focused on some specific situations arising from the application of administrative law, shows that the practice of individual offices can be surprisingly different. For example, they may handle electronic submissions or requests to inspect files differently. For the person on the other side of the counter, this is not a legal curiosity but a practical fulfillment of the principle of legitimate expectation. They need to know what they can expect from public authority and what exactly is required of them. It would be very easy to frame such findings as proof that the bureaucracy does not know what to do and arbitrarily creates more regulation and bureaucracy. However, that would be not only easy but also misleading. Administrative law is not a simple discipline, and people who apply it every day work under very diverse conditions. A large office with a legal department and guidelines has different professional support than a small municipality where a few people handle a wide range of agendas. According to this study, the offices themselves want more methodological support. The Czech Republic has an exceptionally large number of small municipalities, and the state has transferred many of its tasks to them without always adequately coordinating and supporting their implementation. Another study by the Public Defender of Rights this year also showed that small municipalities face a shortage of people, professional capacities, and money, and they also point to the complexity of the agendas they have to perform. Nevertheless, we naturally expect the same quality of state authority performance from them as from much larger institutions. Debates about the state often go in the opposite direction. There should be fewer offices, fewer people, and cheaper administration, especially because it is necessary to save from the state budget. However, professional capacity, continuous education, clear guidelines, or functioning technology are not unnecessary overhead. They are essential prerequisites to ensure that different people do not receive different instructions and answers just because they live a few districts away. Of course, we can want a cheaper state. But we cannot want a cheaper state, save on staffing and professional support, and then be surprised that public authority is not equally competent and predictable everywhere. Legal certainty and professional and predictable public administration performance will simply never be cheap disciplines. Šárka Homfray is a trade union lawyer and expert on gender issues. 2. Summary Šárka Homfray discusses the importance of legal certainty in public administration. A recent study shows that administrative offices in different locations apply rules inconsistently, which affects citizens’ expectations. The differences are due to varying professional support and resources, especially between large offices and small municipalities. Small municipalities often lack staff, expertise, and funding, yet they are expected to perform at the same level as larger institutions. Homfray warns that cutting costs in staffing and support will reduce the quality and predictability of public administration, which is essential for legal certainty. 3. Reading Comprehension Exercise 1. What does the study by the Public Defender of Rights reveal about administrative offices? 2. Why is it important for citizens to have consistent application of rules? 3. How do large offices differ from small municipalities in terms of professional support? 4. What challenges do small municipalities face according to the article? 5. What is the author’s opinion on reducing costs in public administration? 4. Key Vocabulary (English → Czech) - legal certainty – **právní jistota** - administrative law – **správní právo** - public authority – veřejná moc - office (administrative) – úřad - methodological support – metodická podpora - municipality – obec - staffing – personální zajištění - professional capacity – odborná kapacita - bureaucracy – byrokracie - guidelines – metodiky - predictable – předvídatelný - trade union lawyer – odborová právnička

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Information

  • Creator
    David Maglia
  • Years Active
    2026
  • Episodes
    30
  • Rating
    Clean
  • Show Website
    Daily Audio EN