In March, the legacy of US civil rights and labour leader Cesar Chavez — who organised and campaigned for farmworkers’ rights throughout the 1960s and 1970s — was called into question when an investigation by The New York Times revealed allegations of sexual abuse. The report included a disclosure by Dolores Huerta, a co-founder and leader of the United Farm Workers, that she was among the victims. As leaders across the political spectrum consider what to do, what to change, and how to move forward with memorials, official holidays, and annual remembrances, it is vital to examine the scope and influence Latin American workers had in shaping the US labour movement. Today, I want to explore not only who Latin American workers are, but also how their stories help us understand the present—and future—of labour in the United States. Welcome to the Quiet Argument. When we talk about Latin American workers as a single group, we oversimplify the rich diversity of cultures. They include folks from Mexico, Central America, South America, and the Caribbean. Each community has its own distinct history but is united by a common theme: migration to the United States driven by labour demands during periods of economic growth for some and stagnation for others. This narrative is not solely economic; it is also one of resistance—how discrimination from employers and, sometimes, even unions, along with US imperial relations with neighbours to the south and the Caribbean, have shaped their working-class identity. Despite facing hostility, Latin American workers have fought for better wages and conditions since the 19th century. So, let us reflect on how this foundation was established by those who refused to be overlooked. In the late 1800s, the American Southwest experienced rapid growth. Railways were built, mines opened, and agriculture expanded. Mexican labour became the primary workforce behind this development. Workers followed traditional migration routes, maintaining strong ties to family, culture, and homeland. US immigration policies at that time favoured employers, creating a “revolving door” for low-wage workers. The Mexican Revolution encouraged migration, but the true catalyst was the First World War, which caused labour shortages. In the 1920s alone, half a million Mexican immigrants arrived in the US, with nearly 10 per cent relocating to the Midwest to work in meatpacking, steel mills, and the automotive industry. Meanwhile, a different situation arose in the Caribbean. After the Spanish-American War in 1898, the US made Puerto Rico a colony. The plantation system declined, shifting towards commercial export farming and leaving many unemployed. To survive, Puerto Rican women took up needlework and tobacco, while others travelled across the Caribbean and even to Hawaii to find employment. In 1917, the Jones–Shafroth Act granted Puerto Ricans US citizenship. Together with labour shortages during the First World War, this caused significant migration to the mainland. They worked on military bases, in Louisiana sugar plantations, and in Arizona cotton farms. By the end of the decade, many settled in New York City, with the population increasing from about 7,000 to nearly 45,000 over the following decade, working in commerce, services, and cigar manufacturing. Now, we cannot forget Cuba. Following the growth of the cigar industry in Key West, Tampa, and New York, thousands of tabaqueros migrated to the US. By 1900, Ybor City housed over 16,000 Cubans. These workers brought revolutionary nationalism, socialism, and a tradition of labour organisation rooted in anarchism. They employed lectores who read literature and political theory to factory workers, using labour newspapers to challenge exploitation. Established labour unions often overlooked these workers. In the 19th century, Latin American workers sought support from their own communities or revolutionary movements. Many joined the Knights of Labour, the first large organisation of the American working class, which made no distinctions based on nationality, gender, creed, or colour. Mexican union members established assemblies in Texas and New Mexico, led by figures such as Manuel López and Juan José Herrera. Cuban anarchist Carlos Baliño represented the Knights at their national convention in 1886 After the Haymarket Affair, the Knights declined, and the American Federation of Labour under Samuel Gompers replaced them. The AFL concentrated on protecting skilled, white, male craft unions. When it attempted to organise Latin American workers during the First World War, it often created separate locals for Mexicans, Puerto Ricans, and Cubans. It remained firm against Mexican immigration, viewing it as a threat to white wages. Excluded and discriminated against, Latin American workers formed their own organisations. Activists like Luisa Capetillo led the campaign for better hours and wages for Puerto Rican women in the tobacco industry. Many Mexican workers brought radical experiences from their homeland and joined the Industrial Workers of the World. Between 1900 and 1920, the IWW recruited Mexican workers in the mining, railway, and agricultural sectors. In 1917, Mexican copper miners in Arizona, organised by the IWW, went on strike against the Phelps Dodge Corporation, confronting both the company and criminal syndicalist laws. The Great Depression weakened unions, and many workers returned home. Then came the New Deal. Under the Roosevelt administration, the National Labour Relations Act of 1935 guaranteed workers’ right to organise and expanded the role of Latino workers. Leaders like Bert Corona and women in the International Ladies’ Garment Workers Union contributed to building the labour movement from within. Latinos joined the CIO, which admitted workers regardless of race. The outbreak of the Second World War created an urgent demand for workers, and Latin American workers fulfilled that need, making progress in employment and wages. And while wages did improve, many jobs remained low-status and temporary. During the post-war years, migration began to rise. In 1947, the Puerto Rican government launched an economic development programme called Operation Bootstrap, aimed at transitioning the island’s economy from agriculture to industry by attracting US manufacturing. The displacement of agricultural workers and the lack of new jobs caused hundreds of thousands of Puerto Ricans to migrate to the US between the 1940s and 1960s. The Bracero Program brought 4.2 million Mexican contract labourers to the US between 1942 and 1964, reinforcing the “revolving door” system, initially reducing immigration through legal channels but ultimately institutionalising networks that fueled future undocumented immigration—leaving a legacy of exploitation. The Cold War era saw the enactment of the Taft-Hartley Act of 1947, which weakened labour protections and targeted progressive activists. Nevertheless, Latin American workers did not retreat. In 1950, Mine Mill Local 890 in New Mexico launched a 15-month strike against the Empire Zinc mining company, known as the “Salt of the Earth” strike. Despite blacklisting and the presence of the National Guard, they remained resolute. In 1966, the United Farm Workers formed through the merging of the Agricultural Workers Organising Committee, led by Larry Itliong and representing Filipino-American farmworkers, and the National Farm Worker Association, led by Dolores Huerta, Gilbert Padilla, and Cesar Chavez, representing Mexican-American farmworkers. In urban areas, the struggle continued. In 1967, María Portalatín led a campaign for paraprofessionals to join the United Federation of Teachers in New York, securing pay increases. By 1970, the New York City Central Labour Council recognised the Hispanic Labour Committee. The 80s saw the Latin American population in the US double, and a new wave of labour activism began. Workers organised strikes across various industries—garment factories, breweries, canneries —gaining national attention despite resistance. In 1990, the Justice for Janitors campaign in Los Angeles secured a contract for 6,000 Latin American janitors—the largest private-sector immigrant organising success since the UFW. And this momentum persisted. So, where are we today? We stand on the shoulders of proud rank-and-file workers. From the lectores of Tampa to the janitors of Century City, the story of Latin American workers is one of resilience and community in the face of exclusion. By 2050, Latin American workers will make up one in three working-age Americans. They are not just part of history—they are the key to the future. Now, let’s consider this: As we move forward, we must remember that the fight for dignity, fair wages, and safety is far from over. So why do we focus on the achievements of a few individuals, when the victories up to now were only made possible by the struggles and sacrifices of thousands of unknown workers? In my opinion, all credit should go to them. Thank you for listening to The Quiet Argument. If this gave you something to think about, I invite you to share it with me here. For more information and book recommendations on the topics we discussed, please check the show notes at the end of the post. Until next time. Stay curious. —AHN Further Reading (to start with): * Juan González, Harvest of Empire: A History of Latinos in America * Albert Camarillo, Chicanos in California: A History of Mexican Americans in California * Ruth Milkman, Organising Immigrants: The Challenge for Unions in Contemporary California * Rodolfo F. Acuna, Corridors of Migration: The Odyssey of Mexican Labourers, 100-1933 * Immanuel Ness, Immigrants Unions and the New US Labour Market. * Milagros Pena, Latina Activists across Borders: Women’s Grassroots Organising in Mexico and Texas * Mike Garcia and the Justice For Janitors Movement (Edited by Kent Wong, David Hue
