Kinsella on Liberty Podcast: Episode 497. Yesterday (Sep. 5, 2026) I participated in the debate: “Should Free Cities Protect Intellectual Property?” with IP attorney Brian O’Beirne, moderated by Tipolis CFO Alex VossTopic, held at the Free Cities Foundation annual Conference, Próspera, Honduras, Sept. 4–7 (Sat. Sept. 5, 2026) (SK profile; O'Beirne profile) (see Free Cities Foundation Annual Conference — Próspera 2026). https://youtu.be/4GWPdxnpCOI I spoke for 4 minutes, then Brian, and then we had an exchange and audience questions for the remaining time. It was very civil unlike some other debates I've participated in. (( KOL038 | Debate with Robert Wenzel on Intellectual Property; KOL123 | Debate with Jan Helfeld on Anarchy vs. Limited Government. )) One thing I liked is that Brian started off admitting, first, that he has some sympathy for my anti-IP position, and, second, that he acknowledged that opposition to IP is the libertarian position--unlike other libertarian IP proponents who claim that IP rights are compatible with libertarianism, if not the "heart and core" (Ayn Rand) or property rights or . (( Objectivists: “All Property is Intellectual Property” A Recurring Fallacy: “IP is a Purer Form of Property than Material Resources” The “Ontology” Mistake of Libertarian Creationists. )) "primary property" (Galambos). (( Galambos and Other Nuts; Rothbard and Galambosians; The Galambosians strike back; “Around this time I met the Galambosian.”; Libertarian Sci-Fi Authors and Copyright versus Libertarian IP Abolitionists; Was Galambos an IP Thief?; Galambos the Crank; Shades of Galambos: Man tries to copyright his name. )) Transcript and shownotes below. Re other IP debates: In his defense, as far as I know my opponent does not purport to have a coherent theory of property or IP or libertarianism. Go here https://t.co/rRs61a68M6 and search for the word "debate" for several others -- Richard Epstein was more coherent, but totally utilitarian; he… — Stephan Kinsella (@NSKinsella) September 8, 2026 Related/mentioned “Conversation with an author about copyright and publishing in a free society” (Jan. 23, 2012) Copywrong: copyright as censorship KOL346 | Copyright and Satoshi’s Legacy: The Tatiana Show, with Tatiana Moroz How to Improve Patent, Copyright, and Trademark Law FDA and Patent Reform: A Modest Proposal “Are Patents Needed to Make Up for FDA Kneecapping?” (July 2, 2011) KOL190 | On Life without Patents and Copyright: Or, But Who Would Pick the Cotton? (PFS 2015) Mark Lemley: The Very Basis Of Our Patent System… Is A Myth (July 29, 2011) Frank H. Easterbrook, “Intellectual Property Is Still Property,” Harv. J.L. & Pub. Pol’y 13, no. 1 (Winter 1990): 108–118, pp. 109–110 (on inevitable disclosure) Intellectual Property’s Great Fallacy KOL190-2 | Part 2: On Life without Patents and Copyright: Or, But Who Would Pick the Cotton? — Panel Discussion, Hoppe, Dürr, Kinsella, van Dun, Daniels (PFS 2015) The Overwhelming Empirical Case Against Patent and Copyright “The Problem with Intellectual Property,” in Handbook of the Philosophical Foundations of Business Ethics Do Business Without Intellectual Property (Liberty.me, 2014) The Universal Principles of Liberty Shownotes and Summary Overall Summary of Debate At the Free Cities Conference in Próspera, Alex Voss moderated Stephan Kinsella against Brian O’Beirne on whether intellectual property is legitimate and what a free city should do about it. Kinsella argued that property exists only to allocate scarce, rivalrous means (self-ownership, first use, contract, restitution); ideas are guides to action, not ownable things. Patent and copyright are statutory privileges—historically Crown monopolies and press control—that impose unconsented negative servitudes on other people’s property, block independent inventors, enrich large firms, and should be abolished. O’Beirne treated IP as a right in human ingenuity and a last individual defense against corporate oligopoly and central banking. He granted that the present code is broken (thickets, trolls, life-plus-70) but said abolition would hand creators’ work to those same firms; the answer is reform, sector-scaled terms, and symmetry of rights, not erasure. On practice they were closer. Both said Próspera should not pick a treaty fight that threatens the zone. O’Beirne wanted opportunistic protection to attract builders (CAFTA-DR/TRIPS, Infinita). Kinsella wanted the lightest lawful touch—no treble damages, no criminal copyright, shorter terms, Founders’ copyright, no software copyright—and stressed that patents are territorial, so skipping a local patent office does not stop U.S. or European filings and is largely irrelevant for exporters. Audience questions (expiry of “property,” fire and the wheel, trademarks, pharma/FDA) replayed the same split: O’Beirne qualified rights by the common good and novelty; Kinsella called consistent IP perpetual, the patent-bargain a myth, and patents a patch on the FDA. Summary of Kinsella's position (from Grok, based on the transcript and his pre-debate email exchange with O'Beirne and Voss) Stephan Kinsella’s case against intellectual property, as he put it to Alex Voss before the session and then on stage, has two layers that he keeps joined: a rights argument about what property is, and a practical argument about what a free city should do when it cannot get the ideal. Voss had already framed the dispute narrowly: patents and copyrights—exclusive rights in inventions and works that bind strangers without a contract. Contracts, NDAs, employment terms, and trade secrets were set aside as different questions. Voss’s sketch of Kinsella’s theory (conflict over scarce means; title by appropriation or transfer; creation not an independent source of title; information as patterning of an already-owned substrate; IP as a veto over others’ things) Kinsella accepted, then added history, scale of harm, and institutional design. 1. What property is for The four-minute opening is the core. We do not live in the Garden of Eden. Action uses two things: scarce means that can cause results, and knowledge that tells us how to use them. Knowledge can be copied; a hammer or a factory cannot be used two incompatible ways at once. Because people have free will, conflict over those scarce means is always possible. Property rights are the norms that let people possess and use those means peacefully—self-ownership of the body; original appropriation of unowned external resources; contract; restitution for wrongs. That, he says, is the spine of Roman law, common law, and a consistent libertarianism. Ideas do not fit. They are not “conflictable.” They exist only as the patterning of some already-owned substrate (paper, a chip, a machine). You own what you make because you already owned the inputs, not because “creation” mints a new title. Patent and copyright therefore do not add a new kind of property. They give A a legally enforceable veto over how B uses B’s own press, factory, or chemicals. In the debate he calls that a nonconsensual negative easement or servitude—the same structure as a restrictive covenant, minus the neighbors’ consent. Consent is the whole difference. He is explicit that he does not care about “symmetry.” A rule that everyone may sue everyone for defamation, or for welfare, would be symmetric and still unjust. First-to-the-patent-office does not even guarantee uniqueness: independent inventors are blocked. That is enough, for him, to reject the system as a matter of justice, before any spreadsheet about incentives. 2. History, legislation, and the dishonest name He adds what Voss’s paragraph left out. Patent began as Crown privileges to shield favorites from competition (Statute of Monopolies, 1623). Copyright began as control of the press and unapproved speech (Statute of Anne, 1710). They did not grow out of common-law title; they were statutes. In the email he presses a further institutional point: patent and copyright cannot exist without a legislature empowered to make law. Organic court-made law—Roman law, common law, Restatements, even a scholarly compilation adopted as a code—resolves disputes over scarce things. It does not invent a 17-year monopoly in a pattern. A free city that takes common-law or Restatement principles as its base, and treats legislation as rare and suspect, has a structural reason not to enact IP at all. His Universal Principles of Liberty are meant that way: not as a statute. He tells Brian that origin is not his only argument (so the “genetic fallacy” charge misses). He also opposes trademark, defamation, and trade secret, some of which did come through common law. “Sometimes the common law gets it wrong.” The name “intellectual property” is the propaganda move: a state privilege flying the flag of property and capitalism. That is why he calls it intellectual privilege and why, in the email, he ranks abolishing or shrinking it with war, taxation, and central banking—and in one respect worse, because those are at least seen as evils, while IP is sold as a positive good. 3. “Property in value,” labor theories, and the treaty web The email states the deeper error he thinks sits under most pro-IP talk: a property right in value, fed by a Lockean labor theory of property and a Smithian–Marxian labor theory of value. Labor and ingenuity do not generate title in other people’s already-owned stuff. That fallacy, he writes, now binds almost the whole world through the Paris Convention, the PCT, Berne, TRIPS, and WIPO. So the theoretical case is not academic. It explains why a new city cannot simply opt out without cost. On stage he answers the “ingenuity deserves respect” line the same way: respect is not a veto over neighbors. Cop