Freedom Unaffiliated

Independence Institute

Did you know 46% of the voters in Colorado are unaffiliated? Have you ever wondered why? Hear from the experts at Independence Institute talk about the issues important to Colorado and how to bring some sanity to this increasingly leftist state.

  1. 1d ago

    James Michener’s ‘Centennial’ a must-read Colorado story

    If you’ve been reading my columns, you’ve noticed I’m basically illiterate. I blame my dyslexia and public education, but my Olympic-level laziness could be the driving factor. Anyway, I basically can’t read (and, still, I graduated from CU Boulder, so another endorsement of public higher education). So, for me to recommend a book is like a nun recommending sexy lingerie. How can you take it seriously? But how can it not get you thinking? As we celebrate Colorado’s 150th birthday, may I strongly suggest you read, or re-read, James Michener’s classic novel “Centennial,” which arguably presents one of the most accurate portraits of the Colorado character. A Colorado storyI understand this is a sizable ask. The book is massive. Now that phonebooks are extinct, parents put “Centennial” on chairs for their little kids to reach the table. I listen to books on tape. So, when I saw this book took 50 hours, I almost went back to my comic book (which we now call “graphic novels,” like that is somehow going to impress women). It’s not that “Centennial” gives an accurate accounting of Colorado’s history, it doesn’t. It’s that it colors a painting of the true Colorado spirit and the bravery of those who built this beautiful, once rugged state. Michener masterfully shows our dry high-plains as a stage for life and death struggles. He describes the personalities that would say goodbye to all they knew to chance a survival in an untamed, savage and mysterious territory. If there was one word that encapsulated his story, it’s the same word that encapsulates what made Colorado the destination state for hundreds of years: risk. To modern generations “risk” is seen as “danger” or synonymous with gambling, a roll of the dice. But that’s not risk. “Risk” is the quest to manifest a goal over calculated odds. Risk is to employ one’s talents and resources to obtain a potentially unreachable outcome. Every entrepreneur understands risk, knowing even when you do everything right, failure is still an easy outcome. Michener’s book captures a Colorado now lost. It’s a Colorado where courageous people risk writing their own biography. To build. To create. To do it their way, or not do it at all. Mitchner’s book became a sensation about the time the nation was celebrating it’s bicentennial. It’s story, the Colorado story, was a proxy for the American story. As we look at 150 years of Colorado statehood, we also get to examine how Colorado has changed since “Centennial” was first published in 1974. Growing up in the 1970s in Colorado, I saw that spirit of risk and self-direction. The state was still drawing oil-and-gas wildcatters, artists of all stripes and even a new tech entrepreneur that dealt in one and zeros, not rocks and cattle. Mountains remain, culture changesNow 50 years later, it’s hard to recognize many of the Colorado qualities Michener celebrated. Colorado no longer beckons people to be left alone. It beckons people who want someone else to manage things. The frontier mentality has given way to the HOA mentality. Risk has become something government promises to protect us from instead of something free people willingly embrace. Every new regulation is sold as safety. Every permit is justified as protection. Every entrepreneurial gamble is treated with suspicion until a bureaucrat approves it. We still have mountains, rivers and those impossible sunsets that make even lifelong Coloradans stop for a moment. The scenery survived. But scenery alone isn’t the magic. The magic was always the people willing to bet everything on themselves — men and women who crossed plains, climbed passes, dug mines, started businesses, built ranches and towns, and accepted failure was the price of having the freedom to try. Michener understood Colorado wasn’t merely a place. It was a state of mind. Reading “Centennial” today feels less like reading historical fiction and more like opening a time capsule from a state that’s slipping away. It reminds us this state wasn’t made extraordinary by government. It was made extraordinary by people. It was made extraordinary by people who demanded to be free enough to fail spectacularly or succeed beyond imagination. As Colorado turns 150, I hope we remember the spirit that created it. Because mountains are forever. A culture isn’t. And once that spirit is gone, no amount of preservation can bring back the Colorado that Michener knew. Jon Caldara is president of Independence Institute, a free market think tank in Denver.

    6 min
  2. Jun 25

    Regular Season Rules Needed for NBA, NHL Playoffs

    The simultaneous NBA and NFL playoffs, known as the second season, can be almost as exhausting and frustrating for the fans as it is for the players. For Avs and Nuggets fans, this year was especially disappointing, even though we knew that 15 of the 16 teams in the playoff bracket are fated to lose their last game. It’s an alleged truism that the NBA and NHL playoffs require a different kind of play than in the regular season. I think that’s a falseism. The leagues don’t change the rules for the playoffs, they change the way refs officiate. Openly changing the rules invites public controversy and requires negotiation with the players’ union on the CBA. I’m biased because the Avs and Nuggets are skill teams more than overly physical and dirty ones. The Avs won the Presidents’ Trophy having the best regular season record in the NHL over 82 games. It’s senseless to make teams play under one set of rules in the first six months of the season and different unwritten ones in the last two. Blowing the whistleThe NBA has the bigger problem. Officiating is more difficult than in other sports. Play is so fast and congested in the paint and under the rim that officials routinely make an educated guess as whether a foul was committed and by whom. That’s unavoidable but hedging the rules isn’t. The playoffs should be the highest-quality version of the sport, not one over emphasizing defense creating inconsistent calls by different refs with subjective judgment on “marginal contact.” There used to be the “one arm, bent elbow” rule allowing a defensive player to place one hand with a bent elbow on an offensive player’s back or place one forearm on his back, maintaining contact only as long as the defender isn’t pushing or dislodging the player. Today, you see a defender bear-hugging an offensive player or wrapping himself around Nikola Jokic in a pretzel hold. That’s wrestling not basketball. In the NHL, the unofficial playoff rules overly tolerate interference penalties, cross-checking, and holding. In both leagues, management wants more physicality, fewer whistles and more drama. Teams short on superstars exploit that with brute force, putting a target on the superstars’ backs. Serious injuries contributed to both the Avs and Nuggets eliminations in the playoffs. The skating-wounded included Avs superstars Makar and McKinnon. Their 4-0 loss to Vegas in the third round wasn’t the same team that beat the Kings 4-0 and the Wild 4-1. I’m no pacifist when it comes to rough physical play in the NHL. The fans thrive on that. Fighting is condoned in the rules. For anything short of homicide, you just get two or five minutes in the penalty box. (In other sports you get ejected.) Hit a guy in the head with your stick and you get 2 minutes in the box or a few more if it draws blood. Hockey and football are true contact sports. Basketball isn’t and ought not to be. Compared to the padding and helmets worn by players in the NHL and NFL, NBA players suit up in their underwear. What’s with the spooning?It really annoys me to watch the OKC Thunder Alex Caruso’s defensive malpractice spooning Jamal Murray. He’s virtually in Murray’s shorts. It’s a foul as well as obscene. Or the low-skill Isaia Hartenstein blatantly pulling on Jokic’s jersey while holding his arm in a hammer lock. On offense, SGA habitually initiates contact going to the basket then sharply veering sideways into a defender who’s gets unjustly called for blocking. (SGA learned that move form James Harden.) This is a travesty and everyone knows it. Why does the NBA let them and others get away with this stuff? Most fans don’t like it. The NBA has a flopping penalty but won’t enforce it, leery of the nightly controversy. The NHL, likewise, has an “embellishment” penalty but rarely calls it because its players’ culture disapproves of flopping. One final note. During the playoffs, networks like ESPN and TNT displaced Altitude’s cable coverage of Avs and Nuggets games. I much prefer Altitude’s local broadcasters. The network guys often prattle on ignoring what’s going on in the game. The courtside interviews with players, conducted by a token female commentator, are worthless with stock questions like, ”How are you going to close the gap in the second half.” With stock answers like, “We need to be more aggressive, play better defense, and hit more 3’s.” Then the networks distractingly run the recorded interview on split screen while play has already started at the beginning of a quarter. Ugh! Longtime KOA radio talk host and columnist for the Denver Post and Rocky Mountain News Mike Rosen now writes for Complete Colorado.

    6 min
  3. Jun 25

    Sundance Film Festival a crash-course in economics for Boulder

    There are few things more satisfying to watch than socialists getting mugged by reality. The Sundance Film Festival is invading my hometown of Boulder early next year. Sundance drew 85,000 attendees last year in Park City, Utah. Boulder’s hotel room inventory is about 2,900. If you’ve ever wondered what happens when Hollywood’s anti-capitalist elite collide with basic supply and demand, we’re about to find out. When things don’t go as planned, the planner-class doubles down on its religion: more planning. When restrictions, rules, permits and fees don’t produce the desired outcome, more restrictions, rules, permits and fees are needed. Sundance is an event for and by well-heeled, artsy, socialist elites. So, Boulder is perfect. Colorado progressives can role-play a modern-day Gertrude Stein offering finger sandwiches at a salon of the country’s professional virtue signalers. But where will the elite stay? No room at the innI’m guessing Robert DeNiro’s concern for the downtrodden won’t tempt him to bunk at the homeless shelter. Jane Fonda won’t crash with the Women Studies majors in some CU dorm room. Looking online, I see rooms at the Hotel Boulderado during the film festival list for $10,357 a night, then drop to $279 a night after Sundance. Fortunately, Hollywood’s A-list can always retreat to Boulder’s luxury accommodations: the Comfort Inn at the very edge of town, with a few beds at over $800 a night. Better hurry. George Clooney and entourage are rumored to be eyeing them. This is not a problem if attendees who preach the forced sharing of wealth are willing to share a hotel room with 28 other people (yes, that math is correct). Keep in mind, many hotel rooms have two beds, so that’s fewer than 15 people per bed. You could get that number down even more if lesser celebrities sleep on the floor. The most enjoyable line from a recent Gazette story: “Boulder’s hotels, meanwhile, have committed to making 70% of their room inventory available during the festival at affordable rates, according to Visit Boulder…. The organization is promoting a ‘host with heart’ approach and has published a guide with suggested prices for property owners.” Is there anything more precious than the NPR gentry ignoring reality and arbitrarily “suggesting” prices between private parties? There is something delightfully progressive about believing supply and demand can be defeated with positive thinking and a price guide. ‘Hosts with hearts’Anyway, the most they suggest the owner of a four-bedroom house rent it for is $15,000 for 11 nights. Making all the homes I found on Airbnb renting for up to $175,000 for 11 nights, well, not exactly “hosts with hearts.” Might surprise you, but you just can’t rent out your home or even a room on sites like Airbnb in leftist cities without government paperwork. You need a stranger’s permission to have people you choose stay in your own damn house. Invite your friend to stay for the week? Perfectly legal. Let him hand you $100 to help cover groceries and utilities? Government paperwork. Have him buy you dinner every night or give you a Picasso? Back to no problem. It’s said the city has issued about 600 short-term rental licenses. Not nearly enough for the Sundance rush. What’s the solution? A new and different permitting scheme, of course. Enter the fresh-and-improved Festival Lodging Rental License for your place, but only when the city authorizes a “Special Festival Event.” To be a “host with a heart,” the city’s privileged must officially sanction the party your guest might attend. In the endless meetings of planners poring over spreadsheets and debating how to accommodate Hollywood, did anyone raise a hand and ask, “Maybe we should just end the rental-license requirements and let people do what they want with their homes?” Mugged by realityThe poetry of all this is when Tinseltown’s “capitalism is evil” crowd comes together to fawn all over each other, it will be in a town that’s overflowing in black-market housing. When 85,000 festivalgoers arrive looking for 2,900 hotel rooms and some 1,000 legal home rentals, the market will do what markets always do: find a way. The irony is delicious. A festival filled with people who spend their lives warning us about the evils of capitalism may only function because of an underground economy. Nothing says “capitalism is evil” quite like desperately searching Craigslist for a place to sleep. Jon Caldara is president of Independence Institute, a free market think tank in Denver.

    6 min
  4. Jun 17

    Unaffiliateds rising: When primaries decide Colorado elections

    It makes no sense to be a Republican in Colorado. Or a Democrat for that matter. On the day I turned 18, even before I bought my first legal 3.2 beer (remember 3.2 beer?), I went to the courthouse and registered to vote (remember registering to vote?). I joined the Republican Party. Even at 18, I knew not affiliating with a party diluted the power of my vote. Sure, everyone gets to vote in November. But one vote among millions isn’t nearly as powerful as a vote in a primary. Back then, unaffiliated voters were locked out of primaries. Republicans voted in Republican primaries, Democrats in Democratic primaries. The smaller the electorate, the more your vote mattered. As a Republican primary voter, my ballot was one of only a couple hundred thousand. As a delegate to the Republican state assembly, my vote was one of only a few thousand. At the county assembly it was one of hundreds. At my neighborhood caucus, I was one of fewer than 10. At one point, my vote represented more than 10% of all votes cast. That’s leverage. Rise of the unaffiliatedsThen came Proposition 108 in 2016, which I voted against. Now those smug, sanctimonious “independents” get both a Republican and Democratic primary ballot and can choose which one to return. Yet my desire to leverage my vote never changed. So I became unaffiliated. And like most Colorado voters, I never looked back. We unaffiliateds get to vote in either primary. This year I’ve decided to return a Democratic ballot. To my fellow independents, isn’t it nice having choices? Those poor schmucks still clinging to the romance of party affiliation, shackled to organizations that long ago wandered past the hey-guys-let’s-not-get-crazy zone, don’t have the freedom we do. The still-affiliated can enjoy the purity of party membership while checking voicemail on their flip-phone, insulting Democrats by fax and waiting for next week’s TV Guide to arrive. To those still registered with a party, investing in Beanie Babies while wondering where the local Radio Shack moved, let me explain why I left. First, I live in the People’s Republic of Boulder. If I were still a Republican, I’d have almost no choices in the primary election. Only three of the 15 races on my Republican ballot are contested. Eight races have no candidate at all. No Republicans in Boulder has finally trickled down to no Republicans running for office. And unless you’re in complete denial, which has become a permanent condition among many Colorado Republicans, you know absolutely none of the Republican candidates on my Boulder ballot are going to win in November. That includes, sadly, Barbara Kirkmeyer, the only sane Republican running for governor. Now, if you live in a conservative part of the state where there are meaningful local races and candidates who can actually win, maybe returning a Republican ballot makes sense. But here’s the point: you don’t have to be a Republican to do that anymore. The only temptation I have to return a Republican ballot is to help Kirkmeyer win the nomination. Yes, she’ll lose to the Democratic nominee in November. Those in denial don’t need to flood my inbox explaining how me saying so will somehow cause that loss — message already received. But Barbara won’t embarrass the party. She won’t frighten suburban voters. And marginally speaking, she’d help Gabe Evans and a handful of legislative candidates who actually have a shot. Primaries decide electionsI’ve weighed that consideration against another reality. The winners of the Democratic primaries for governor and attorney general will almost certainly be the winners in November. The primary is the election. Democrats should probably leave their party, too. Why voluntarily surrender half your primary choices? Why chain yourself to a party label when Colorado law now lets you shop both aisles? The only remaining reason to stay registered with a party is if you actively participate in caucuses and assemblies and want to help place candidates on the primary ballot without petitioning on. If you’re registered with a party but never attend caucuses, you’re simply limiting your options under the current rules. Me, I’m returning a Democratic ballot. Not because I’m a Democrat. But because that’s where my vote has the most influence. And the prospect of a Colorado run by Democratic Socialists Phil Weiser and Jena Griswold is terrifying enough to make me spend it there. Jon Caldara is president of Independence Institute, a free market think tank in Denver.

    6 min
  5. Jun 17

    Back Door Pay Hikes Slipped through Under Colorado’s Gold Dome

    I am personally responsible for helping overpay socialists to make Colorado unaffordable, overregulated and one windstorm away from a power blackout. I failed you. Colorado legislators already get automatic inflation raises. You know, just like your job (I’m assuming the sarcasm bled through that one). No private-sector worker has that kind of protection forever. Even union jobs eventually meet reality. Ask Spirit Airlines employees. And that’s the problem. What happens when lawmakers no longer depend on the private sector for most of their livelihood? They stop understanding the people they supposedly represent. They get disconnected. And has Colorado ever had more of a disconnected team of politicians? Part-timersIt wasn’t that long ago legislators made around $17,000 for their 120 days of meddling under the Gold Dome. The idea was simple: take a few months away from your regular job to represent your community. Back then, lawmakers lived in the same economy as the rest of us because they worked in it. Today legislators make more than $50,000 for their 120-day session, plus a hefty per diem ranging from $99 to $193 a day. That means many are pulling in at least $500 a day to pass laws making Colorado steadily less affordable. But can you really put a price on outlawing ketchup packets after giving illegal immigrants Medicaid during a budget crisis? And when legislators say they work year-round, understand the translation. They call it citizen “engagement.” The rest of us call it campaigning. Paying them our tax dollars to do so is the ultimate pro-incumbent scam. Naturally, all people want more money. Politicians are no different. They just have more power than you do. Now, they couldn’t just openly vote themselves a raise. That looks bad. Elections, optics — all that nonsense. Also, that would be direct, transparent and honest. They wouldn’t know how to do it. The commissionSo they did what politicians always do when they want a predetermined outcome without their fingerprints. They created a commission. I know. I served on it. The then House minority leader is a friend and pressured me to be on it. Then she quit the legislature to save her own sanity (I’ll get even with you, Rose Pugliese! Payback is a b****, lady). The Independent State Elected Official Compensation Commission — how Soviet sounding can you get? Along with the Senate minority appointee, we were basically the only two members who thought maybe performance should factor into compensation. Tiny detail: the commission was supposedly making “recommendations.” Except they really weren’t recommendations at all. Recommendations are given to people who later decide how to act on something. But the law creating our little salary-washing operation was designed so if the legislature did absolutely nothing, our “recommendations” automatically became law. That’s the game — no “action” required. Create a commission. Fill it with people who will give you what you want; in this case to recommend raises. Structure the law so lawmakers don’t have to vote for the raises. Then let “taking no action” become the action. If you’re getting flashbacks to “The Sting,” that’s understandable. My idea was we recommend the legislature cut their legislative session from 120 days to 90 days, but keep their salary the same. That would be a huge raise per day worked and free up another month a year to make money in the real, like their constituents. Lots of states have 90-day sessions or less, and some, like Texas, have 90-day every other year. The commission dismissed my idea. Another member proposed tying some portion of compensation to state performance. Not exactly commission sales, but at least some accountability for affordability, economic growth, or fiscal stability. Not quite working on commission, but definitely a bonus structure. That idea didn’t fly either. Back-door pay raiseInstead, the commission embraced government’s oldest salary justification: “Other governments are doing it.” So beyond their automatic inflation increases, legislators now get another 6% raise they never had to publicly approve. The next governor gets an 11% bump. The state treasurer gets 28% more. And the attorney general gets a staggering 45% increase. While we sit in a budget shortfall of their own “hey let’s put everyone including illegals on Medicaid” making, they get rewarded for it. So if you were giving them your annual employee review based on performance, would they get this raise? Jon Caldara is president of Independence Institute, a free market think tank in Denver.

    6 min
  6. Jun 9

    Gov. Polis Rejects Multiple Bills, Brings Veto Total To A Dozen

    DENVER–Gov. Jared Polis last week rejected another handful of bills passed by the Democrat-controlled Colorado legislature, bringing his veto total for the recently adjourned session to an even dozen. Modest sounding enough given the more than 400 bills passed, but still a personal record for the term-limited Polis over his eight years in office. As reported by Complete Colorado, the prior week saw Polis take his veto pen to a half-dozen other bills, including a highly contentious effort by his fellow Democrats to unwind Colorado’s longstanding two-vote process for private sector unionization. The latest batch of vetoed bills ranged from limiting what small businesses pay in “swipe fees,” to whether your Pad Thai comes with an unsolicited plastic fork, to suing federal immigration agents in state court, among other issues. Latest vetoesStart with Senate Bill 134, which among other things barred credit card companies from charging transaction fees on the amount of sales taxes charged. House Majority Leader Monica Duran called it a fight against Wall Street banks lining their pockets at the expense of Colorado’s small businesses. Polis called it legally risky, potentially unimplementable, and probably a job better left to the federal government. The Electronic Payments Coalition, representing the banks and credit card networks, unsurprisingly called the veto a prudent and responsible decision. Then there was Senate Bill 184, which would have expanded the types of cancer covered under workers’ compensation for firefighters. Fire chiefs and local governments asked Polis to kill it, arguing it would strain the Colorado Firefighter Trust. the bill also excluded several hundred state-employed firefighters, which bill sponsors essentially admitted was intended to avoid a fiscal note in a belt-tightening budget year. On the surveillance pricing front, House Bill 1210 would have stopped companies from using personal data gleaned from online activity to set individualized prices and wages. Polis said he agreed with the concept, but found the bill too broad, adding that an Artificial Intelligence disclosure bill he recently signed already handles the problem. House Bill 1236, an arbitration reform bill, would have given consumers more recourse when the fine print of a terms-of-service agreement signs away their right to go to court over disputes, but which Polis determined was too vague and potentially expensive. “Making it harder to use arbitration will push more cases into litigation, raising costs, adding delays, and increasing uncertainty for Colorado consumers, workers, and businesses alike,” Polis wrote in his veto letter. He encouraged the sponsors to try again next year, which would push the issue off into the hands of Colorado’s next governor. Senate Bill 146 would have required restaurants to stop automatically handing out plastic utensils and condiment packets unless a customer asks. Denver and Breckenridge already have similar rules, which Polis noted is exactly the point — local governments can handle it, and the state shouldn’t be in the business of mandating what goes in your takeout bag. And finally, Senate Bill 005, which would have let Coloradans sue Immigration and Customs Adminsitration (ICE) agents in state court for civil rights violations. Polis said he liked the idea in theory but found the bill too narrow, as it only covered civil immigration enforcement. “This bill doesn’t apply to any other context besides civil immigration enforcement – including rights violations in protests, elections, prisons, or the workplace,” said Polis. “For example, even in the narrow context of immigration, the bill doesn’t cover violations of constitutional rights during criminal investigations in immigration.” A broader version, Senate Bill 176, was floated in the legislature but died when several Democrats joined Republicans to kill it before it ever reached the governor’s desk. The deadline for Gov. Polis to sign or veto legislation from the 2026 session passed on June 2.

    6 min
  7. Jun 8

    Moderates are Not Our Salvation

    The word “moderate” is a fashionable term these days as the remedy to the nation’s sharply divided politics, but it’s highly overrated and largely inaccurate. A stark example is Democrat Abibail Spanberger who was elected governor of Virginia in 2025 as a self-declared moderate, promising not to redistrict the state if elected, having branded gerrymandering as “detrimental to our democracy” as a Congresswoman in 2019. In her first year in office, she signed a bill that would gerrymander Virginia giving Democrats a 10-1 advantage in the U.S. House, from 6-5. (Her voting record in Congress was anything but moderate with a 100% rating form the ACLU and 3% from the American Conservative Union.) President John F. Kennedy was a moderate Democrat in 1961 when southern Democrats were conservative. Even Bill Clinton was a moderate Democrat president compared to the party’s liberals in Congress during his presidency. The few truly moderate Democrats that still survive in Congress these days are overwhelmed and cancelled by the legion of radical left-wingers that have taken over the party. One measure of that is the size and influence of the Democrats’ Progressive Caucus in the House that numbers 100 left-wing zealots like Ilhan Omar, Rashida Tlaib, AOC, Pramila Jayapal, Maxine Waters and even Bernie Sanders (the lone Senator). It’s total membership accounts for 47% of the 212 Democrat members of the House. By contrast, the Republican Freedom Caucus has only 40 members that account for just 18% of the 219 Republican members in the House. They can stir the pot and block some measures but don’t dominate the party. True, the Freedom Caucus has a handful of strident right wingers like former members Marjorie Taylor Greene and Matt Gaetz, but most are mainstream conservatives like Jim Jordan and former member Ron De Sanitis. In Colorado, radical Progressive Democrats dominate the Denver city council and the state legislature. Although unaffiliated voters outnumber registered Democrats and Republicans combined, most are not really ”independents” or moderates. If a close election turns on swing voters, most of Colorado’s unaffiliated don’t vote for Republicans; about two-thirds of them routinely vote for Democrats. Precisely where the political center resides is subjective. But using the JFK and Bill Clinton examples cited above, Democrats have obviously moved much farther to a radical leftist extreme than Republicans have on the right since the JFK and Clinton presidencies. Socialism, now the Democrats’ preferred economic model for our country, wasn’t even respectable for the American mainstream back then. And it still isn’t to anyone who understands political economics, Marxism, and world history. The word “moderate” is a multifaceted one, a term that modifies degrees of something tangible. As an adjective, you can be a moderate conservative rather than a staunch one. As an adverb, you can eat moderately rather than gorging yourself. As a noun, a moderator is a neutral party standing between two advocates in a debate. That’s fine in a debate but as a human being with the gift of reason, as C.S. Lewis observed, “You can’t be a good egg all your life. Sooner or later, you have to hatch or rot.” When a politician calls himself a moderate, it has no meaning in the realm of ideas. Moderation isn’t a personal philosophy or ideology. It’s not a belief, it’s a style. Moderates don’t innovate. They’re political brokers, attaching themselves to other people’s ideas. It’s good to know a politician’s stance on particular issues but I care more about his values and basic beliefs. Circumstances, details, and issues change. When they do, he’ll make decisions on the basis of his convictions. If he has none, he’ll act on other factors like opinion polls, getting reelected, or loyalty to special interests. How would a simply moderate politician resolve Iran’s goal of “death to America?” Split the difference and settle for the death of just half of America?” Edmond Burke told his constituents in Bristol, England, that on matters of great importance he’d act on his beliefs, not on their dictates. If they disapprove of his beliefs, they should vote him out. As a member of Parliament, he stood as their representative not their delegate, who’s a puppet on a string. It’s a vital distinction and the difference between a statesman and a politician. Donald Trump certainly isn’t moderate and defies any simple analysis of right or left. He’s a unicorn. I doubt he has a consistent ideology. He’s committed, instinctive, transactional, impulsive, and meteoric. But he has an agenda that I largely agree with and it’s far better than that of the Democrats.

    6 min

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Did you know 46% of the voters in Colorado are unaffiliated? Have you ever wondered why? Hear from the experts at Independence Institute talk about the issues important to Colorado and how to bring some sanity to this increasingly leftist state.

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