From Our Generation

Crom Carmichael and Mike Hassell

From Our Generation is all about making sense of history, economics, and politics through real conversations. We dive into the ideas and events that shaped the world, how they still affect us today, and what they mean for the future. No lectures, just honest discussions about where we’ve been, where we are, and where we’re going.

  1. 4d ago

    When Institutions Fail

    Trust in institutions is at an all-time low, and the question is whether that's a crisis or a correction. Government, media, Congress: the erosion is measurable. But the people who say they distrust Congress keep reelecting their own representatives. The people who distrust the media keep watching outlets that confirm what they already believe. Distrust without action is just atmosphere. Media accountability is heading to a breaking point. The Sullivan decision gave press organizations broad protection to say nearly anything about public figures. That protection has been leveraged into a business model where false statements generate clicks without consequence. ABC settled with Trump after George Stephanopoulos repeatedly and falsely claimed Trump had been convicted of rape. Alan Dershowitz is refusing to settle his case against CNN, pushing the Supreme Court to narrow Sullivan and raise the cost of publishing known falsehoods. If the Court moves the bar, the economics of partisan media change overnight. A generational fault line runs underneath all of it. The internet stripped the distance between public image and private reality. Bill Cosby, OJ Simpson, Michael Jackson: every hero of a certain era fell publicly and permanently. A generation raised watching that doesn't default to trust. It defaults to skepticism, which is healthy until it curdles into paralysis. Government inefficiency is not a matter of opinion. It is a structural outcome of incentive design. A private business that fails its customers goes under. A government agency that fails to deliver claims it needs a larger budget. The question is never whether government or markets are "better" in the abstract. The question is which failure mode you are dealing with: the kind that self-corrects through competition, or the kind that compounds because no one with authority has a reason to stop it. Operation Chokepoint proved how far executive power can reach without passing a single law. The Obama DOJ pressured banks into dropping legal businesses it disapproved of: gun stores, payday lenders, coin dealers, tobacco shops. No legislation, no trial, just regulatory leverage applied until legal enterprises lost access to the financial system. Trump ended the program in 2017, but the playbook survived. Canadian trucker de-banking and crypto founder account closures trace directly back to the same template. COVID censorship followed the same logic. The Biden administration told social media platforms to suppress opposing viewpoints on public health policy. Those viewpoints turned out to be legitimate. Mark Zuckerberg confirmed that Facebook blocked content at the government's direction. The speech was legal. The opinions were, in many cases, correct. The officials who ordered the suppression have faced no accountability. Accountability is the thread connecting every one of these issues. When government officials who abuse power face no personal cost, the abuse becomes a template. When media organizations that publish falsehoods face no financial consequence, the falsehoods become strategy. The system doesn't fix itself. It requires people willing to enforce the rules it was built on. For more episodes and resources, visit fromourgeneration.com. Dive deeper with Giants of Political Thought at giantsofpoliticalthought.com.

    1h 38m
  2. May 20

    WHAT MAKES AMERICA DIFFERENT

    The United States has 11 companies worth more than a trillion dollars. No other country has one. The most valuable company in Europe is worth $600 billion. Japan's is $250 billion. Something about how this country operates produces outcomes no other system has matched, and the question of what that something is runs through every political fight happening right now. The American experiment was built by self-selected risk-takers who left known lives for uncertain ones. The founders designed a system obsessed with preventing tyranny, splitting power between branches, between federal and state governments, between the impulse of the moment and the slow grind of process. For the first 150 years, non-defense federal spending was under a billion dollars. Then a series of Supreme Court decisions changed the architecture. The Commerce Clause was reinterpreted to let Congress regulate a farmer's wheat that never left his property. Chevron deference stripped courts of the ability to check agency rulemaking. Roe v. Wade federalized a moral question every state had already addressed. Sullivan made it nearly impossible for public figures to hold media accountable for false statements. Each decision shifted power upward and concentrated it further from the people the system was designed to serve. Now several of those pillars are cracking. Chevron deference has been overturned. Racial gerrymandering has been struck down, with southern states already redrawing maps that will force candidates of both parties to build broader coalitions. The Dershowitz case heading to the Supreme Court could narrow Sullivan and restore real accountability for media defamation. School choice provisions in the big beautiful bill create a $1,700 federal tax credit that funds alternatives to failing public schools, a financial mechanism designed to unleash the same competitive pressure in education that drives American enterprise everywhere else. The fraud exposure accelerates the shift. States that ignored Obamacare's own revalidation requirements for Medicaid providers are being forced to comply. SNAP recipients buying Ferraris and Lamborghinis make the case for oversight more vividly than any policy paper. Blue states that built budgets around unchecked federal transfers are watching the math change in real time. Population follows incentives. Blue states are losing residents. Over 100,000 people left Los Angeles in 12 months. SEC schools are seeing application surges while Ivy League applications drop 20%. The 2030 census will likely shift 6 to 14 House seats to red states. Couple that with the end of race-based districting, and the structural advantage Democrats built over decades is unwinding on multiple fronts simultaneously. Whether the reversal holds is an open question. But for the first time in a century, the trajectory of centralized power is bending back toward the design the founders intended. For more episodes and resources, visit fromourgeneration.com⁠. Dive deeper with Giants of Political Thought at giantsofpoliticalthought.com.

    55 min
  3. May 5

    RULES ON PAPER

    Redistricting battles across multiple states expose the tension between constitutional process and partisan ambition. Virginia's legislature pushed through a redistricting referendum without following its own constitutional requirements, ignoring the fact that voters were already casting early ballots before the law was finalized. A lower court blocked it within a day. Florida and Texas followed their state constitutions and will likely prevail. The outcomes look partisan, but the real variable is whether each state followed its own rules. The U.S. Supreme Court's ruling that states cannot draw congressional districts by race reshapes representation in ways that cut deeper than seat counts. Louisiana is delaying its primary to redraw maps. Tennessee may call a special session. The short-term disruption is real, but the longer-term effect may be better candidates on both sides. Mixed districts force broader coalitions, which is closer to what representative government was designed to produce. A 9-0 Supreme Court ruling reinforced that a New Jersey pregnancy center could not be forced to hand over its donor list to the state attorney general. The threat itself was the harm. Separately, the Court agreed to hear a challenge to the Labor Department's in-house tribunals, where the agency writes the rules, prosecutes violations, and decides the outcome. The same institution that created the Chevron deference is now systematically dismantling the architecture that grew out of it. A machine gun case heading to the Supreme Court could redefine the scope of federal power over commerce that never crosses state lines, revisiting a Roosevelt-era ruling that allowed Congress to regulate a farmer's wheat even though it never left his property. The Constitution listed four federal crimes. By 1980, there were over 3,000. Medicaid fraud illustrates the cost of systems built on trust without verification. Obamacare required states to revalidate providers every five years. Most never did. Illinois alone has 58,000 unvalidated providers. SNAP recipients have purchased Lamborghinis, Ferraris, and over 2,000 Teslas. California's honor-system home care program costs $30 billion a year with no checks on eligibility. The fraud is not incidental. It has become a business model. California's billionaire tax proposal has enough signatures for the November ballot: a one-time 5% levy on net worth above a billion dollars. One-time taxes rarely stay one-time. The likely result is an exodus that won't reverse. Germany's chancellor publicly called Trump humiliated over Iran. European NATO allies blocked U.S. base access and overflight rights. Countries that depend on American security guarantees and refuse to cooperate when those guarantees are tested raise a simple question: what is the alliance actually for? Barney Frank, one of the most liberal members of Congress in his era, is releasing a book from hospice repudiating his party's progressive flank. That a figure once considered the far left of the party now occupies its moderate wing tells you how far the center has moved. Across every story, the same pattern holds: institutions built on specific rules are bending or ignoring them, and the people those institutions were designed to serve absorb the cost. For more episodes and resources, visit fromourgeneration.com. Dive deeper with Giants of Political Thought at giantsofpoliticalthought.com.

    1h 15m
  4. May 1

    SUBJECT OR CITIZEN

    The distinction between a subject and a citizen sits at the foundation of American law, and most people have never thought about it. A subject under British common law owes perpetual allegiance to the crown by birth. Blackstone described it as feudal: a debt of gratitude that cannot be forfeited, canceled, or altered. The Declaration of Independence rejected that doctrine outright. Edward Erler's Imprimis essay lays out the stakes, and Clarence Thomas has been making the same point in speeches: the founders asserted that sovereignty belongs to the individual, that governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed, and that signing the Declaration was treason under British law precisely because it denied the king's claim on them. The 14th Amendment introduced the word "citizenship" into American law for the first time, and it did so with the phrase "subject to the jurisdiction thereof." That phrase was small, intentional, and underdeveloped, which is why birthright citizenship is now back at the Supreme Court. The 1868 Expatriation Act, passed alongside the 14th Amendment, called the right to renounce allegiance "a natural and inherent right of all people," which is the exact opposite of British perpetual subjectship. An American can renounce citizenship and leave. An American cannot renounce citizenship and stay. The unresolved question is whether someone born on US soil to parents who owe allegiance elsewhere becomes a citizen automatically, or whether jurisdiction means something more than physical presence. Secession is the same question at a different scale. If the individual is sovereign, can the individual withdraw? Can a state? South Carolina tried in 1861 and lost a war over it. Parts of Idaho, Oregon, and Alberta still raise the question. Thomas Jefferson believed the answer was yes. Current law says no. The Southern Poverty Law Center has been indicted by a grand jury in Alabama. According to the indictment, the organization was funding the Ku Klux Klan and other groups to manufacture the hate it then claimed to be fighting, soliciting donations on the back of a problem it was paying to keep alive. Shell bank accounts. Money allegedly sent to organizations involved in the Charlottesville riots. The endowment sits at $700 million. If the conviction holds, the federal government gains legal access to donor records that have been kept secret, and a lot of people who gave money will need to decide whether they were complicit or victims. The pattern echoes Lois Lerner at the IRS in 2012, when roughly 350 conservative organizations were denied tax-exempt status during the Obama administration, locking them out of bank accounts and the political process for a full election cycle. Nobody was indicted. The same logic applies to the California governor's race. Six Democrats remain on the debate stage, soon to be five. Steve Hilton looks likely to lock in one of the top-two primary slots. Tom Steyer, a white male billionaire, may well take the other, which will be entertaining to watch the party rally around. Medicaid fraud across blue states runs in the tens of billions, and a Republican governor with subpoena power is the only mechanism that can expose it. That is the existential threat, and it explains why Swalwell had to go. One thread runs through all of it: power flows to whoever controls the definition of who counts, what's hateful, and which laws get applied to whom. For more episodes and resources, visit ⁠fromourgeneration.com.⁠ Dive deeper with Giants of Political Thought at ⁠giantsofpoliticalthought.com⁠.

    1 hr
  5. May 1

    SELECTIVE ALLEGIANCE

    Pope Leo XIV called military action in Iran absurd and inhumane, said no cause justifies the shedding of innocent blood, and made the statement a day after meeting with David Axelrod. Trump told him to get his act together. The collision raises a real question about moral authority. The same Pope who condemns bombing is protected inside the Vatican by Swiss Guards with automatic weapons, behind walls no one can immigrate through illegally. The contrast with John Paul II, who openly fought communism and was shot for it, is hard to miss. Catholic catechism lays out conditions for just war. Pope Leo's blanket pacifism contradicts the doctrine of his own church. Mazara Amirzadeh, an Iranian woman who converted to Christianity, was arrested in 2009 and sentenced to death by hanging for apostasy. She was released only because of international pressure, including from Pope Benedict. Her question is direct: where was Pope Leo's moral outrage when the Islamic Republic slaughtered tens of thousands? She has watched the regime since 1979 use arrest, torture, and execution as instruments of state policy. She wants it gone. The strategic picture is more practical than the moral framing suggests. Tehran's reservoirs have dropped from 10% to under 8%, and once they reach 5% there isn't enough pressure to deliver water at all. Trump's blockade compounds the squeeze. The Strait of Hormuz remains Iran's leverage, but infrastructure work and an alternative choke point south near the Houthis are already in motion. Iran's window to project power is closing on its own. Eric Swalwell was leading the Democratic field in the California governor's race at 12 to 13 percent. Two Republicans were polling at 18 and 15 to 16. The Democratic Party publicly called for some of its eight candidates to drop out so a Democrat could survive the top-two primary. None did. Within weeks, the San Francisco Chronicle published accusations against Swalwell, and CNN, MSNBC, ABC, and NBC had the accusers ready to interview within hours. Swalwell, who held a high-level House Intelligence Committee clearance and once dated a suspected Chinese spy, dropped out. The takedown looks like a party operation, not investigative journalism. The reason California's governorship matters this much is fraud. Blue states spend two to four times more on Medicaid per capita than red states, and the federal match means every state dollar pulls down two or three federal dollars. A Republican governor with subpoena power could expose tens of thousands of fraudulent entities operating under the Newsom administration. The same pattern lives in Illinois, New York, Minnesota, and Massachusetts. Exposure at that scale is an existential threat to the funding model of the Democratic Party, which is owned lock, stock, and barrel by government employee unions whose interests are more pay, more benefits, more employees, and rules that make firing impossible. "Follow the science" gets used as if science is a person. It isn't. Science is a method built on falsifiability and skepticism. Even E=mc² has been refined. Fauci was not the science. The political and economic and social sciences are legitimate efforts to bring rigor to the study of human nature, but rigor requires the willingness to be wrong, which is exactly what the loudest invocations of "the science" refuse to allow. One thread runs through all of it: institutions reward selective allegiance, and the gap between what they claim to stand for and what they actually fund keeps widening. For more episodes and resources, visit ⁠fromourgeneration.com.⁠ Dive deeper with Giants of Political Thought at ⁠giantsofpoliticalthought.com⁠.

    1h 8m
  6. Apr 23

    IRAN, NATO, & THE FINE PRINT

    The Iran conflict resists easy labels. A ceasefire brokered through Pakistan unraveled almost immediately when Lebanon attacked Israel and Israel struck back hard. The ceasefire may have served a different purpose entirely: time to rearm, refine strategy, and clear civilians from targets that will be hit next. Trump has laid out four specific conditions to end the bombing: no nuclear weapons, surrender of enriched uranium, no offensive missiles, open Straits of Hormuz, and no more exporting terrorism. Whether those goals are achievable is a separate question from whether they exist. By the standard definition of a "forever war," this isn't one. The objectives are stated. The method is air power, not occupation. But if Iran refuses to capitulate, and history suggests they will absorb enormous punishment before bending, the timeline stretches toward something that looks like one even if it technically isn't. The technology gap changes the calculus. During the Iraq war, less than 10% of American ordnance was precision-guided. Now it's over 90%. Iran responds with cheap drones. The math only works in Iran's favor until laser defense systems arrive, likely within 24 to 36 months. The asymmetry is temporary. Europe's refusal to cooperate tells its own story. NATO allies blocked base access and overflight rights. The reason isn't complicated: Muslim populations of 5 to 8% across Western Europe make domestic blowback a more immediate threat than Iranian aggression. Even a fraction of a percent of that population turning to violence would be catastrophic. Europe's instinct to look away from danger until it arrives on their doorstep is centuries old, and it raises a harder question about NATO itself. If allies won't support operations against a regime that has killed Americans since 1979, what exactly is the alliance for? Regime change doesn't require replacing a government. Venezuela's vice president took over from Maduro and started making different decisions. If Iran's next leader, whoever survives the chain of command, agrees to stop exporting terror, that's a practical regime change even if the theocracy survives in name. The rapid-fire segment covers ground fast. Eric Swalwell leads the California governor's race while allegations of sexual harassment dating back to his Dublin City Council days gain traction. A social media journalist claims to have recorded Swalwell at a DC steakhouse bragging about Capitol Hill parties and trying to cheat on his wife. The Democrat primary itself is a mess: eight candidates splitting the vote so badly that two Republicans may lock out every Democrat from the general election ballot, and party efforts to force candidates out look a lot like the voter suppression they claim to oppose. The Obama Presidential Center requires photo ID for discounted tickets. Wisconsin's governor used a line-item veto to strike two digits and a hyphen from a bill, turning a one-year school funding measure into a 400-year mandate. The state Supreme Court upheld it 4-3. The DOJ has over 8,000 fraud cases under investigation, concentrated overwhelmingly in blue states. A California home care program built on the honor system is costing $30 billion a year with 800,000 participants and no verification. And Somalia's ambassador to the UN, the current president of the Security Council, is associated with a home health care agency in Cincinnati under federal scrutiny. One thread runs through all of it: the distance between what institutions claim to stand for and what they actually do keeps widening. For more episodes and resources, visit fromourgeneration.com. Dive deeper with Giants of Political Thought at giantsofpoliticalthought.com.

    1h 17m
  7. Apr 15

    INSTITUTIONAL DRIFT

    Executive power finds its limits not in law but in leverage. When a president pays federal workers without congressional appropriation by invoking national security, the legal gray area matters less than the political reality: no one with standing wants to challenge it. That dynamic, where principle yields to practical calculation, runs through the SAVE Act's stalled path in the Senate, filibuster mechanics, and the quiet ways procedural rules shape outcomes more than public debate. Institutional mission creep is everywhere. A city council debates foreign policy while local schools underperform. A university cancels a gubernatorial debate over the racial composition of its top candidates. NASA and the military absorb social objectives that sit outside their core functions. The original mission loses ground to political pressures these institutions were never designed to handle. Free speech and conscience are under direct pressure. Finland's Supreme Court labels a Christian pamphlet hate speech. European restrictions on expression continue to tighten, particularly around immigration and religion. In the U.S., a prominent vaccine researcher resigns from a federal advisory committee, driven out not by bad science but by bureaucratic hostility to dissent. Contrarian voices are being squeezed out of the institutions that need them most. AI regulation raises a new version of an old tension. Progressive calls for a moratorium on data centers may reflect less concern for consumers than anxiety over what automation means for government employment. The line from the Luddites to modern resistance is direct. The real divide is between autonomous AI and human-augmented productivity, and refusing to experiment guarantees falling behind. Canada's expansion of medically assisted suicide is the starkest example of policy disguised as compassion. What began as end-of-life care now extends to mental illness, backed by government advertising that aestheticizes the decision to die. Behind the language of personal freedom is a cost-driven calculus: a single-payer system that would rather fund an off-ramp than pay for treatment. Healthcare costs are reshaping American life at every income level. Tens of millions are delaying surgery, staying in jobs they want to leave, and abandoning education, all under the weight of a third-party payment structure that removes individual choice from the equation. When politicians talk about affordability, this is the issue that drives all the others. One pattern connects every headline: institutions designed to serve specific purposes are being redirected, expanded, or captured. The people they were meant to serve absorb the cost. For more episodes and resources, visit ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠fromourgeneration.com⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠. Dive deeper with Giants of Political Thought at ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠giantsofpoliticalthought.com⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠.

    51 min
  8. Apr 6

    NO KINGS? NO PROBLEM

    The development of democracy is not a sudden transformation but a gradual shift in where authority resides. The translation of the Bible into English in the 16th century marked a critical turning point, moving interpretive power from centralized religious institutions to individuals. This change extended beyond religion, elevating personal conscience as a legitimate source of authority and weakening both church control and the divine right of kings. Over time, this diffusion of authority helped lay the groundwork for representative government. These ideas unfolded over centuries. The gap between the printing press and the Glorious Revolution shows how long it takes for innovations to overcome entrenched systems. The transition from monarchy to parliamentary rule, and eventually constitutional governance, was neither linear nor stable, shaped by conflict, reversal, and compromise. Sovereignty was gradually redefined from God, to rulers, to the people. The American system reflects this evolution, attempting to formalize a balance between authority and liberty. The Constitution was not a perfect design but a negotiated framework to distribute power and prevent its concentration. Yet over time, expansions in federal authority and shifting interpretations have raised questions about whether that balance still holds. Modern political conflict revisits these same tensions. Disputes over institutional legitimacy, legal challenges between political actors, and competing claims about “threats to democracy” all point to a deeper question: what does democracy actually require? Majority rule alone, or stable institutions and shared acceptance of outcomes? Across both history and the present, one pattern persists: democracy depends not just on structure, but on how authority is distributed and trusted. When that balance shifts, the system itself is tested. For more episodes and resources, visit ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠fromourgeneration.com⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠. Dive deeper with Giants of Political Thought at ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠giantsofpoliticalthought.com⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠.

    1h 1m

Ratings & Reviews

5
out of 5
3 Ratings

About

From Our Generation is all about making sense of history, economics, and politics through real conversations. We dive into the ideas and events that shaped the world, how they still affect us today, and what they mean for the future. No lectures, just honest discussions about where we’ve been, where we are, and where we’re going.