Consequential Actions Podcast

Jeff Kellick

Our overall goal is to help ourselves and the audience understand the rationale behind the actions of our collective past in order to learn from and address (effectively) the consequences of our present, and of our future. Help others understand what preceded us in various disciplines of study so that we will not waste our efforts reinventing what is already working, or by repeating and perpetuating our faults; but rather to refine the successes and correct the failures. We should learn from others, in their own words, to understand their motivations and determine their effectiveness over time. We live in a time of accountability and merit. Empathize with, and encourage, those who make mistakes and learn from them. Critique those who repeat the failures of the past, or aim to manipulate outcomes and obfuscate intentions. jeffkellick.substack.com

  1. 6h ago

    The Common Law Will Control

    Sir Edward Coke Explained: The Common Law, Bonham’s Case & the Petition of Right | Self-Evident Ep. 8 Sometime around 1608, in a chamber at Whitehall, the King of England lost his temper with a judge. James the First held that his judges were merely his delegates — that he, the sovereign, possessed reason enough to pull any case into his own hands and decide it himself. The Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, Sir Edward Coke, did not deny the king’s intelligence. He denied something far more dangerous: that natural reason was enough. The law, he said, was an artificial reason, a craft mastered only over long years — and His Majesty, learned as he was, was not learned in the laws of England. When James answered that to place the king under the law was treason, Coke reached back four centuries to a maxim of the jurist Bracton: that the king ought to be under no man, but under God and the law. A judge had told a king, to his face, that the crown itself stood inside the law. This is Episode 8, the opening of Arc III — English Liberty — and the first of the series to turn from the question of how to govern without a king to the harder English question of how to bind a king who very much remains on his throne. It is the story of Sir Edward Coke and the idea he did more than any single man to forge: that the law stands above the crown. We trace what the common law actually was — a law its own practitioners claimed no one had made, found rather than commanded — and the magnificent, and very largely false, myth of the “ancient constitution” that did enormous good anyway. We follow the great cases, each narrow in its holding and vast in its implication: Prohibitions, Proclamations, Semayne’s Case and the home as a man’s castle, and Bonham’s Case and its single most disputed sentence, which four centuries of brilliant readers have been unable to agree on. And we climb to the Petition of Right of 1628, and the fight of a seventy-five-year-old man over a single saving clause that would have undone all of it. Then, as always, the Honest Reckoning stops the ascent cold. The history Coke championed was false. And the man himself, before he was the great defender of English liberty, was one of the most ferocious prosecutors the crown ever employed — the man who abused Walter Raleigh at trial. We hold the achievement and the failure in view at once. The hour closes by carrying the principle across the ocean: a young Thomas Jefferson cursing “old Coke” by candlelight, and John Adams turning Coke’s own weapons against a Parliament — the volumes that became the schoolbooks of the Revolution. This week’s standing question runs underneath all of it: when we place a right beyond the reach of present power, does that leave people more free, or more governed? ⏱️ CHAPTERS00:00 Introduction: King James I vs. Sir Edward Coke 03:54 Episode Overview: The Common Law Will Control 06:54 Understanding the English Common Law 10:35 The Concept of "Artificial Reason" 12:47 The Myth of the Ancient Constitution 15:58 James I and the Divine Right of Kings 19:20 Landmark Cases: Prohibitions and Proclamations 23:13 Semayne's Case: A Man's Home is His Castle 26:57 Dr. Bonham's Case: Can Common Law Control Parliament? 31:14 Charles I, Habeas Corpus, and the Petition of Right 36:24 The Reckoning: False History and a Prosecutor's Past 40:40 Addressing Objections to Coke's Legacy 47:09 The Liberty Test: Fundamental Law vs. Democratic Majorities 50:02 Coke's Transmission to the American Colonies 56:53 Conclusion and Preview: The Levellers 📚 Companion article — Article 8, “The Common Law Will Control,” with the full account and primary sources including Bonham’s Case and the Petition of Right: https://www.consequentialactions.com/post/the-common-law-will-control-sir-edward-coke-and-the-stuart-struggle 🎙️ Self-Evident: The Road to 1776 — Episode 8 | Consequential Actions This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit jeffkellick.substack.com

    The Common Law Will Control
  2. 1d ago ·  Bonus

    English Monarchs Explained: Henry VIII to George III — Coke, Charles I, the Glorious Revolution & 1776

    How a Crown That Could Not Tax Became a Parliament That Could Tax Without Limit This is a companion episode — a teaching hour, whiteboard and all — built to sit beside the middle stretch of Self-Evident: The Road to 1776. The arguments of Articles 8 through 15 each follow a mind: a lawyer insisting the common law bounds the king, a regiment debating the vote in a church at Putney, a philosopher justifying revolution, a generation of Scots and Frenchmen asking what a free society requires. None of those hours stops to keep account of who held the throne while that mind was at work, or what he had already claimed, or what he had already done. This hour supplies that account. It runs from the accession of Henry VIII in 1509 to the Declaration of Independence in 1776, with a short coda to the Treaty of Paris in 1783 — thirteen reigns and one stretch with no monarch at all. It is built to be heard once straight through, then returned to in pieces. Use the chapter links below to jump to any reign you want to revisit. Along the way it answers a single question: when Sir Edward Coke told his king that the common law would control the acts of the crown, who was that king, what had he claimed, and what had he done? Three threads run through it. First, which monarch sits behind which article — James I and Charles I behind Coke; Charles I and the interregnum behind the Levellers; Charles II and James II behind Sidney and Locke; James II and William and Mary behind the Glorious Revolution; the Hanoverians behind the Scots and Continentals. Second, how the powers of the crown were assembled and then taken apart, one statute and one reported case at a time — from the Reformation Parliament to ship money to the Petition of Right. Third, and most consequential, why a Parliament that had spent a century binding its kings then turned and claimed a power over the colonies that no king had ever held: the authority, in the words of the Declaratory Act of 1766, to bind them “in all cases whatsoever.” That claim is where the American argument begins. The hour closes with four points where the historians genuinely disagree, laid out as disputes rather than settled facts. This companion carries no argument of its own — it is the ground the rest of the series stands on. The standing question, did this leave people more free or more governed, is the one the next eight weeks will ask. This hour is who they will be asking it about. ⏱️ CHAPTERS00:00 Introduction: A Teaching Companion Episode 02:27 The Four Main Topics of this Episode 03:42 Overview of the Thirteen Reigns 05:17 Henry VIII (1509–1547): The English Reformation 08:55 Edward VI (1547–1553): Councils and the King's Minority 10:04 Mary I (1553–1558): Persecution and Early Resistance Theory 11:58 Elizabeth I (1558–1603): The Supreme Governor 16:15 James I (1603–1625): Divine Right vs. Prerogative Revenue 18:18 Charles I (1625–1649): Personal Rule to the Civil War 23:21 The Kingless Years (1649–1660): The Commonwealth and Cromwell 26:35 Charles II (1660–1685): The Restoration 31:21 James II (1685–1688): The Dispensing Power and a Quick End 33:56 William III and Mary II (1689–1702): The Glorious Revolution 36:30 Anne (1702–1714): Acts of Union and the Last Royal Veto 37:57 The Hanoverian Regime: George I, George II, and Ministerial Government 42:03 Court vs. Country: The Transmission of the Constitutional Argument 46:49 George III (1760–1783): The King in Parliament and the Declaration 51:27 Four Disputes Among Historians 54:54 Conclusion and Outro 📚 Companion to Articles 8–15 on the site — Coke and the common law, the Levellers, Sidney and Locke, the Glorious Revolution, and the Scottish and Continental thinkers: https://www.consequentialactions.com/post/the-crown-and-the-kingdom-a-series-companion-to-self-evident-articles-8-15 🎙️ Self-Evident: The Road to 1776 — Companion Episode: The Crown in the Kingdom | Consequential Actions ━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━𝕏: https://x.com/jkellick🎧 Spotify: ━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━ #englishhistory #henryviii #edwardcoke #charlesi #gloriousrevolution #britishmonarchy #selfevident #roadto1776 #history #consequentialactions This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit jeffkellick.substack.com

  3. 3d ago

    Jamie Frost Remmey — Libertarian for U.S. House, PA-01 — On Ballot Access, Defend the Guard & War Powers

    A Mile of Signatures by Hand — Just to Get on the Ballot This is the Thursday interview closing Week 7 of Self-Evident: The Road to 1776 — the week we traced the Dutch Republic, the first modern commercial republic, which grew prosperous not by concentrating power but by refusing to. All week the argument was that liberty and prosperity travel together, and that power held far from the people tends to be power misused. This conversation puts a living face on it: a candidate standing in the middle of the machinery, who can tell you what it actually costs to try to build a piece of that refusal today. Jamie Frost Remmey is the Libertarian nominee for the United States House in Pennsylvania’s First Congressional District, in Bucks and Montgomery counties, challenging five-term incumbent Republican Brian Fitzpatrick and Democrat Bob Harvie. She is not a career politician and does not pretend to be one — she is funding the race out of her own pocket and those of friends and family, working two jobs while she does it, and gathering by hand the more than 5,000 valid signatures Pennsylvania demands before it will print a third-party name on the ballot at all. Two threads run through the conversation, and they are the same thread seen from two distances. The first is close to home: what it takes for a third-party candidate to reach a Pennsylvania ballot, and what that machinery reveals about who the system is built to serve. The second reaches back to the week’s history — the Dutch insight that decentralized power keeps people free — and forward to the war power: to Grotius and the free sea, to who may send Americans into combat, and to Defend the Guard, the state-level reform that would bar a governor from releasing his state’s National Guard into overseas combat unless Congress has done its one constitutional job and voted to declare war. The last time Congress did that was 1941. This week’s standing question runs through all of it: did this leave Americans more free, or more governed? ⏱️ CHAPTERS00:00 Introduction: The Dutch Act of Abjuration 00:37 Episode Overview: Interview with Jamie Frost Remmey 03:32 Interview Begins: Challenging the Duopoly 05:44 The Influence of Dark Money in Politics 08:43 Building Support for Third Parties 13:18 The Unfair Hurdles of Ballot Access in PA 18:02 Decentralization and Reclaiming Congressional Power 21:20 The Defend the Guard Movement 26:49 Executive Overreach and the War Powers Act 28:16 Policy Differences with the Incumbent 29:34 Where to Find and Support the Campaign 30:51 Post-Interview Reflection: The Cost of Liberty 31:48 Defend the Guard as the Dutch Design Rediscovered 34:03 Conclusion and Preview of Next Week 📚 Companion article — Article 7, “The Dutch Experiment,” on the improvised republic and the free-sea principle behind this week: [article URL] 🎙️ Self-Evident: The Road to 1776 — Episode 7, Interview | Consequential Actions ━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━Consequential Actions𝕏: https://x.com/jkellick🎧 Spotify: ━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━ #jamiefrostremmey #libertarian #defendtheguard #warpowers #ballotaccess #pennsylvania #pa01 #selfevident #liberty #consequentialactions This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit jeffkellick.substack.com

  4. 5d ago

    The Sea Belongs to No One

    This week’s historical episode traced the improvised Dutch Republic and closed on the jurist Hugo Grotius, whose Mare Liberum (1609) gave the commercial republic its charter on the seas: the argument that the ocean is common to all nations and can be owned by none. This contemporary-application episode holds that principle against a summer in which two of the world’s critical maritime chokepoints — the Strait of Hormuz and the Bab al-Mandab — were choked by force within a single month, Hormuz nearly closed by Iran and Bab al-Mandab placed under a declared Houthi embargo on Saudi-linked shipping that sharply disrupted but did not halt traffic. Grotius grounded the free sea on a first axiom of the law of nations; the ringing English phrase “self-evident and immutable” belongs to the 1916 Magoffin translation rather than to Grotius’s Latin, so the episode claims intellectual kinship with the Declaration’s “self-evident” truths (through the shared natural-law tradition), not a direct verbal lineage. The episode uses the free-sea principle to reach its central question, which extends Episode 6B’s abdication thesis from the lawmaking power to the war power: when the sea is contested and America turns to military force over it, who decides that we fight? The Constitution places the power to declare war in Congress. In the 2026 Iran war — sustained airstrikes, a US naval blockade of Iranian ports, hundreds of servicemembers in harm’s way — Congress has enacted no authorization; on July 10, 2026, the President signed a letter reporting that military action had recommenced, which the administration’s position led lawmakers and reporters to read as a claimed reset of the War Powers Resolution’s 60-day clock (a reading members of both parties disputed). Congress has voted repeatedly — the House twice passing non-binding measures to end the war, the Senate falling short on binding ones — but none has become binding law, which is the abdication in its subtlest form. The Honest Reckoning confronts that Grotius wrote as a VOC-commissioned advocate defending the seizure of a rival’s ship, and turns the same scrutiny on American conduct: the July 13-14 proposal and withdrawal of a 20% Hormuz cargo toll, and the US blockade, which prevent casting Washington as the clean guardian of the free sea. The Skeptic’s Case stacks two full-strength objections: that the free sea has always been sustained by a great naval power’s force, so a president acting to reopen a strait upholds rather than betrays the Grotian order; and that the President following the WPR’s 60-day clock is obeying a law Congress passed. The rebuttal to the second corrects the statute’s meaning: the WPR (§1541, §1547) does not grant war-making authority but restrains it, and the clock is a termination backstop misread as a license. The Liberty Test reframes the whole around the war power: no individual may take his neighbors to war, no office manufactures that power, and no 60-day clock conjures a delegation the people never made — set against the Dutch warning that a liberty-protecting division of power “will not hold itself.” This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit jeffkellick.substack.com

    The Sea Belongs to No One
  5. Jul 25

    The Dutch Experiment

    This is the episode where the Reformation’s theory of resistance becomes a working republic. It opens at Delft in 1584 with the assassination of William the Silent — the fragile cause that depended on one man — and asks how that cause outlived the man who led it. The answer is the United Provinces: the first durable commercial republic of the modern age, improvised almost by accident by practical men who had run out of kings. The episode traces how the Dutch, having deposed Philip II in the Act of Abjuration, searched in vain for a replacement sovereign (Anjou, then Elizabeth’s Leicester) before reluctantly governing themselves; how the confederation actually worked — sovereignty lodged in the provinces, the puzzling stadtholderate, the merchant regents who ran the state for commerce; and how its most radical feature was not its structure but its toleration. That toleration is explained in three ways at once — principle, profit, and the fragmentation of power that left no single hand able to enforce one creed — and its fruits were extraordinary: Sephardic Jews in Amsterdam, persecuted sects, the print shop of Europe, the Pilgrims’ decade at Leiden. The commercial ascent follows: the warehouse of the world, a merchant fleet larger than England, France, and Spain combined, the VOC as ancestor of the modern corporation and stock exchange, the Bank of Amsterdam — proof written in ledgers that a free commercial republic could out-compete the great monarchies. Grotius appears as the thinker who tried to ground it, his natural-law contribution held distinct from his service to Dutch commercial-imperial interest. The Honest Reckoning cuts in two directions, without softening: the failure of conscience under political stress (Oldenbarnevelt beheaded in 1619, the de Witts murdered by a mob in 1672 — two ways free institutions fail) and the conquest and slavery abroad (the Banda massacre under Coen, classified by some scholars as genocide, and the Atlantic slave trade). The Dutch reckoning, the episode insists, is the rehearsal for the American one. Two serious objections — that the republic was an oligarchy and that its toleration was mere calculation — are answered at full strength, with Madison and Hamilton’s Federalist No. 20 dissection of the Dutch confederation drawn in. The episode closes by turning across the North Sea to England, where lawyers and parliaments were about to work out how a free people holds even its own government to the law. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit jeffkellick.substack.com

    The Dutch Experiment
  6. Jul 22

    John Thomas, LP Candidate for PA Lieutenant Governor — On Resistance, Romans 13 & School Choice

    This is the Thursday interview closing Week 6 of Self-Evident: The Road to 1776 — the week we asked when, if ever, it is lawful to resist an unjust ruler. All week the story ran through the Calvinists: through Beza, through the Vindiciae contra Tyrannos, through the Dutch. In this conversation, John Thomas walks the story back further — to a Lutheran town that said no decades before the massacre in Paris, and shows how its ministers reasoned their way to resistance straight through Romans 13, the very passage used for a thousand years to command obedience. John Thomas is an educator, a church elder, and the Libertarian candidate for Lieutenant Governor of Pennsylvania, running alongside gubernatorial candidate Ken Krawchuk. A man who has spent his life inside both the church and the liberty movement, he is exactly the voice this week’s history called for. He brings the taproot the week had left untold: the city of Magdeburg in 1550, whose pastors argued that a ruler who becomes an instrument of evil ceases to be an ordinance of God — the Lutheran seed of the lesser-magistrate doctrine that would later flower in France, in the Netherlands, and finally in 1776. From there the conversation opens outward. If government is truly of, by, and for the people, is every citizen now a kind of lesser magistrate — and what did the founders fear about that idea? Then, because John is not only a student of this history but a man running to govern by it, we turn to his campaign: to Pennsylvania’s education system, to a per-student spending figure that keeps climbing while results fall, and to what liberty asks of a candidate on the ballot this fall. This week’s standing question runs through all of it: did this leave people more free, or more governed? ⏱️ CHAPTERS00:00 Introduction: The St. Bartholomew's Day Massacre 00:44 Episode Overview: Consequential Actions Podcast 01:36 Weekly Recap: The Doctrine of the Lesser Magistrate 03:06 The Lutheran Roots of Resistance 05:01 Interview Begins: John Thomas's Journey to Liberty 12:17 Romans 13 and the Historical Obligation to the State 14:52 The Magdeburg Confession and Opposing Evil 22:04 Consent of the Governed: Is Every Citizen a Magistrate? 27:00 John Thomas's Campaign for Lieutenant Governor 30:26 Educational Reform and Empowering Families 34:16 The Benefits of Educational Competition for Teachers 40:23 The Hurdles of Ballot Access and Signature Gathering 45:17 Reflection: Testing the Wager in Real Time 47:50 Preview of Next Week's Episode: The Dutch Experiment 📚 Companion article on the site — the full history of lawful resistance, from Magdeburg (1550) through Beza, the Vindiciae contra Tyrannos, and the Dutch Act of Abjuration: https://www.consequentialactions.com/post/when-is-resistance-lawful-calvinist-resistance-theory 🎙️ Self-Evident: The Road to 1776 — Episode 6, Interview | Consequential Actions ━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━𝕏: https://x.com/jkellick🎧 Spotify: ━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━ #libertarian #johnthomas #lessermagistrate #romans13 #reformation #schoolchoice #pennsylvania #selfevident #liberty #consequentialactions This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit jeffkellick.substack.com

  7. Jul 20

    The Power They Gave Away

    The A-episode answered Luther’s open question with the doctrine of the lesser magistrate: resistance to an overreaching power is lawful when it runs not through the private individual but through the constituted authorities who hold their office for the people’s protection. This contemporary-application episode turns that doctrine on the modern American republic and finds an unexpected answer. The office built above all others to stand between the citizen and the executive is the Congress, in which Article One vests all legislative power — and the characteristic modern failure of that office is not that it has been overpowered from above, but that it has handed its lawmaking power away. The episode traces how Congress delegates the real work of lawmaking to unelected agencies, often less from technical necessity than from a flight from accountability (credit for the goal, deniability for the cost); how the Chevron doctrine rewarded that abdication by making statutory vagueness an asset to the executive; and how overruling Chevron in Loper Bright relocated the interpretive power from agencies to judges without ever returning it to Congress. Against this, a rising nondelegation dissent — Gorsuch’s Gundy opinion, joined by Roberts and Thomas, and the Gorsuch-Thomas-Alito dissent in FCC v. Consumers’ Research — argues that the only real remedy is to force Congress to make its own policy judgments. Two recent cases, Biden v. Nebraska (student loans) and Learning Resources v. Trump (tariffs), show the same structural principle striking down executives of both parties — while the Court, tellingly, treats the symptom of executive overreach rather than the disease of legislative abdication. The Honest Reckoning takes up Justice Thomas’s dissent in the tariff case and shows it to be not a partisan flip but a consistent application of his long-held constitutional method. The Skeptic’s Case stacks two full-strength objections: the originalist argument (Mortenson and Bagley) that the founders delegated broadly and that strict nondelegation is a modern invention, presented alongside its live scholarly rebuttal; and the governance argument that modern government cannot function without broad delegation. The Liberty Test reframes the whole for a subject of abdication rather than seizure: a trustee cannot give away a trust and call it discharging his duty, and no number of office-holders voting together can make the giveaway legitimate. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit jeffkellick.substack.com

    The Power They Gave Away
  8. Jul 17

    When Is Resistance Lawful? — Calvinist Resistance Theory

    This is the episode that answers the question Luther raised at Worms and refused to resolve: when, by whom, and by what right may a people lawfully resist a king? It opens with the Saint Bartholomew’s Day Massacre of 1572, the state-sponsored slaughter of French Protestants that made a theory of pure obedience impossible to hold and radicalized a generation of Calvinist jurists into building the answer. The episode lays out the theological obstacle — Romans 13 and the divine right of kings, which made resistance not merely rebellion but sacrilege — and then the three complementary arguments the Calvinists built to overcome it. Theodore Beza vested the right of resistance in the lesser magistrates, the constituted authorities who hold office for the people’s protection, sharpening a hedged doctrine of Aquinas into a working doctrine of revolt. François Hotman grounded it in the ancient constitution of France, an idealized elective monarchy that later scholarship judged substantially invented but whose force as an instrument of liberty is undiminished by that fact. The Vindiciae Contra Tyrannos built the most systematic case of all on the idea of a double covenant, giving consent its recognizably modern shape and laying down the architecture that runs through Locke to the Declaration of Independence. George Buchanan carried the doctrine to Scotland and toward the English-speaking world, and the Dutch Act of Abjuration of 1581 put the whole theory into practice — a statement of principle, a bill of particulars, and a formal renunciation of allegiance that stood among the models for 1776. The Honest Reckoning confronts, without softening, the burning of Servetus in Calvin’s Geneva and Beza’s own defense of executing heretics: the persecuted became persecutors the moment they held power. Two serious objections — that these were partisans rather than friends of liberty, and that resistance theory is a recipe for anarchy — are answered at full strength. The episode closes on the harder task the Dutch now faced: not how to depose a king, but how to govern without one. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit jeffkellick.substack.com

    When Is Resistance Lawful? — Calvinist Resistance Theory

About

Our overall goal is to help ourselves and the audience understand the rationale behind the actions of our collective past in order to learn from and address (effectively) the consequences of our present, and of our future. Help others understand what preceded us in various disciplines of study so that we will not waste our efforts reinventing what is already working, or by repeating and perpetuating our faults; but rather to refine the successes and correct the failures. We should learn from others, in their own words, to understand their motivations and determine their effectiveness over time. We live in a time of accountability and merit. Empathize with, and encourage, those who make mistakes and learn from them. Critique those who repeat the failures of the past, or aim to manipulate outcomes and obfuscate intentions. jeffkellick.substack.com