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  1. PODCAST: Political skeet-shooting with Keith Baldrey & Vaughn Palmer

    5d ago

    PODCAST: Political skeet-shooting with Keith Baldrey & Vaughn Palmer

    Listen to the 5-minute highlights reel: If you follow BC politics, veteran political journalists Vaughn Palmer and Keith Baldrey need no introduction. For everyone else, Vancouver Sun political columnist, Palmer, and Global BC legislative bureau chief, Baldrey, have chronicled the triumphs and disasters of 11 premiers (“and counting:” Vaughn). “If [BC Conservatives] stick to the economy, I think they can stick together. If they stray into social conservatism and faith and all that that goes with that, it’s going to be a problem.” —Keith Baldrey They’ve seen governments rise and fall and rise again. They’ve watched political stars burn bright and flame out or fade away as a new wave of legislators took their place. They’ve heard eloquent speeches, tedious pontificating and everything in between. They’ve analyzed more laws, public policies, election campaigns, press conferences, official reports and legislative maneouverings than the cabinet ministers and Premier running the province. With 40 years of backstory, they see the whole iceberg. They can spot patterns, smell trouble and contextualize the significance before it's barely hit the radar of mere mortals. “Horgan was more inclusive, a team leader, a chair of the board, and he delegated. Eby doesn’t do any of those things.” –Vaughn Palmer Both Vaughn and Keith stopped by Northern Beat this week to share their insights into the session’s top story, leadership styles of past and present premiers, where the newest BC Conservative leader can take her caucus if she chooses, how some First Nations leaders have dangerously over-reached, why both major parties are in flux, and more. Podcast excerpt: ‘You don’t need to be a 10 to get elected in BC’ Hope you enjoy this pod as much I did. Let us know what you think! As always, thanks for supporting independent news. Please share our stories and pods and consider subscribing if you haven’t already. All subscriber fees to to our freelance writers, helping us get more great content, one story at a time. Cheers, —Fran Upgrade to paid Podcast producers: Rob Shaw & Zach Proulx Feedback: Fran@NorthernBeat.ca More BC politics: www.northernbeat.ca This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit northernbeatnews.substack.com/subscribe

    48 min
  2. Werner Stump: 'We really have to take a pause'

    May 6

    Werner Stump: 'We really have to take a pause'

    “The only way that we can create a sustainable long-term situation is if we have this foundation of equality… there needs to be only one class of British Columbians.” —Werner Stump The BC Cattlemen’s Association is throwing its considerable weight behind a lawsuit challenging the constitutionality of the BC NDP government’s most contentious legislation. If successful, the case could radically change the course of reconciliation in the province and neutralize what critics view as a direct threat to BC’s governance structure. And it would force BC Premier David Eby's hand on what to do with his prized Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples Act, but most certainly not in the way he likes. Why are the province’s cattle ranchers wading into the DRIPA legal fray as an intervenor in the court challenge? “It’s hard to imagine who might not be interested with DRIPA because it impacts potentially, in my opinion, pretty much everybody in the province,” says association president, Warren Stump. Listen to the audio highlight reel: [Upgrade to Paid] DRIPA confusion DRIPA channels the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) into BC law. But Aboriginal law experts say UNDRIP does not conform with Canadian constitutional law and threatens our governance structure in BC. UNDRIP stipulates all legislation must be co-developed with First Nations, groups that have no electoral accountability to the broader public governed by those the laws. As well, any territory an Indigenous group choses to claim is treated as owned, bypassing the onerous burden of proof required under constitutional law. And use of that land, including resource development, requires the community's free, prior and informed consent. In BC, those territorial claims cover almost all of the province. Shoving this framework into practice has triggered chaos on the ground as government decision-makers, Indigenous communities and non-Indigenous residents and businesses scramble to understand how to comply. Ranchers are at the bleeding edge of this land-use imbroglio. Their livelihoods depend on grazing tenures and water rights on Crown land. “We're just feeling a lot of uncertainty as to where those things lie and where the rights to those things lie in the future,” says Stump, who wrote about how DRIPA leads to a system of unworkable co-governance. Podcast excerpt: ‘The biggest misstep’ Secret deals and mounting uncertainty This crisis has been brewing for years. According to Stump, the cattle sector first noticed international investors getting spooked by the uncertainty in BC’s market after the government’s botched attempt to amend the Land Act in spring 2024. The Land Act changes would have handed First Nations statutory decision-making power (aka a veto) over land use. The NDP government ultimately backed down amid public anger, just months before the provincial election. But the retreat was superficial. Similar powers quietly resurfaced in “reconciliation” agreements the BC government subsequently signed in the name of DRIPA. Take the agreement with shíshálh Nation which recognizes rights and title, grants joint and sole decision-making over land use, transfers Crown land, formalizes a controversial co-managment dock management plan and commits to $80 million in funding over five years. It was signed two months before the election and kept secret from the public for five months. Pender Harbour and Area Residents Association pushed back with a lawsuit that evolved into the constitutional court challenge the cattlemen are now joining. “The PHARA litigation is entirely about what does this UNDRIP mean? Is it sound to have DRIPPA as a foundation moving forward? Is it consistent with Canadian law? Is it consistent with our rights and freedoms under the Charter of Canada?” The lawsuit alleges DRIPA fails to balance Indigenous and non-Indigenous rights, it exceeds the province’s constitutional jurisdiction by expanding Indigenous resource management, and breaches people’s democratic rights by ceding governance to individuals with no duty or accountability to the public affected by their decisions. ‘Existential threat’ to the rule of law The legal landscape was already a minefield of uncertainty for private property owners. The BC government-Haida agreement awarded Aboriginal title over private land, then the Cowichan Tribes BC Supreme Court decision found Aboriginal title over private property in Richmond BC, followed by the federal government-Musqueam rights recognition agreement that recognized Aboriginal title somewhere in the Lower Mainland. Layered onto all of this is the Gixaala BC Court of Appeal decision which found the province in violation of its own DRIPA-related legislation, penned by then-Attorney General David Eby, that directs all laws “must” conform to the Declaration Act. The Premier denounced the Gixaala ruling and vowed to correct course. This was followed by three months of indecision and two months of political whiplash, featuring a series of flip-flops as the Premier pivoted weekly on how best to manage First Nations’ demands versus “significant legal liabilities” and the “existential threat” created by his own legislation. Unsurprisingly, capital is nervous. “They’re looking at British Columbia and saying, ‘Hey, these guys don’t have their act together. We don’t know what the rules are.’ “Anyone can challenge any law in British Columbia and question whether it’s consistent with the principles of UNDRIP. So that does leave us in a position of essentially we don’t know where we stand.” Enjoy the podcast and let us know what you think. Thanks for supporting independent media. —Fran Podcast producers: Rob Shaw and Zach Proulx Feedback: Fran@Northernbeat.ca For more BC politics: Northernbeat.ca This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit northernbeatnews.substack.com/subscribe

    45 min

  3. Apr 26

    Todd Stone: 'We need some leadership'

    Listen to the audio highlight reel (above) or scroll to the bottom to watch the full podcast Todd Stone is speaking for an embattled industry. The CEO and president of the Association of Mineral Exploration joined our podcast to share how his members are faring under BC Premier David Eby’s handling of the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples Act (DRIPA). In a couple of words: not good. Despite Prime Minister Mark Carney and Premier Eby identifying critical mineral development as a key priority, BC’s mineral prospectors report permitting processes mired in delays, Indigenous consultations without a clear beginning or end, project requirements that keep expanding, with no one apparently in charge. Prospectors, or junior mining companies, are the ones who spend months and sometimes years searching the hills and valleys for gold, silver, copper and more. They are often only a one or two-person, self-financed operation. They have high hopes and shallow pockets. Without them, major deposits would never get found, let alone developed. Podcast excerpt: ‘Everyone’s best interest’ In BC, prospectors’ anecdotes reveal permitting processes mired in indecision and confusion, largely stemming from how the Eby government is interpreting two recent court cases and implementing DRIPA. The first court ruling in 2023 stated Crown breached its duty under Section 35 of the constitution by not consulting with First Nations at the time a claim was staked. Since implementing the new consultation framework a year ago, 85 per cent of claims were not completed within the government’s promised maximum of 120 days. Previously, anyone could instantaneously stake a claim on Crown land as long as the area hadn’t already been claimed. In the second case, the 2025 Gitxaala decision in the BC Court of Appeal ruled that DRIPA, which basically channels the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) into BC law, is not just an inspirational framework, but an enforceable law. “This would make British Columbia the only jurisdiction in the entire world that has ceded authority from the Crown and the elected representatives of the BC legislature to a set of principles from the United Nations,” says Stone. [Upgrade to paid] The Appeal Court did as instructed The court basically did as David Eby instructed when he was attorney general, since he introduced DRIPA in 2019 and the Interpretation Act in 2021. The latter directs “every Act and regulation must be construed as being consistent with [DRIPA].” “This was never, ever, ever the intention of the DRIPA legislation. It certainly was not sold to British Columbians on that basis,” says Stone, who was a BC Liberal MLA when legislators unanimously passed DRIPA. “What this decision therefore opens the province up to is a massive amount of potential litigation from First Nations on almost any law or any regulation in the province of British Columbia,” says Stone. “They [can] bring forward a case and say, ‘Well, the Appeals Court of British Columbia said that this particular law must be in alignment with UNDRIP. It’s not. We would like a ruling.’” The Premier denounced the Gitxaala decision, saying the court was “confused” and had misinterpreted his one-line instruction in the Interpretation Act. He later defended his plan to amend DRIPA, saying the ruling had created “significant legal liabilities” for the province. He’s since publicly brainstormed multiple fixes to the Gitxaala decision, including suspending DRIPA provisions for three years. Then last week, he abandoned amending the law at all, following threats by Indigenous chiefs of mass protests and major project blockades if so much as a word was altered in DRIPA. “He has changed his mind a number of times as he’s gone through this process to the point where it almost feels like whiplash and no one really knows what the road map ahead looks like,” says Stone. Confusion among government decision-makers In the midst of the Premier’s successive positions on the DRIPA amendments, federal government Indigenous rights agreements, BC land agreements and trilateral treaties have continued adopting UNDRIP principles as the “minimum standards” and the “authoritative source” for implementing Aboriginal rights. Just days before Eby abandoned his power struggle with Indigenous leaders to amend DRIPA, he said provisions needed to be paused to provide clarity to statutory decision-makers trying to interpret how to apply DRIPA and UNDRIP in areas such as permitting and regulations. “DRIPA was never intended to be driven deep, deep, deep, deep down into the regulatory requirements and processes that involve mineral exploration… permits that now take months and months and months and months to be approved,” Stone says. UNDRIP not compatible with Canadian law Adding to the mounting perplexity in the permitting process, are the provisions in UNDRIP that are incompatible with Canadian constitutional law. One UNDRIP provision recognizes all territory claimed by Indigenous groups must be treated as territory owned, without any need for legal proof, as required under Section 35 and Canadian constitutional law. As owners of whatever territory they claim, Indigenous communities then also have the inherent right to decide how that land is used. Another section of UNDRIP stipulates this right must be free, prior, informed consent over land use, aka, a veto. From this perspective, nearly all of BC is “owned” by First Nations. UNDRIP also has no provision for overlapping claims, and in BC, there are many. All of which has created a regulatory nightmare for statutory decision-makers. “We shouldn’t leave it people to guess because when you do, most people are going to not want to get it wrong,” Stone says. “They’re not going to want to make a mistake. They’re not going to want to take a risk. And so what are they going to do as a default? They’re going to default to more consent, deeper consent, more frequent consent.” All this and more in my conversation with Todd Stone. If you work in a business that requires engaging in government regulatory or permitting processes, reach out, we’d appreciate hearing about your experience. Thanks for listening and supporting independent journalism. —Fran Watch the full podcast: Podcast producers: Rob Shaw and Zach Proulx Feedback: Fran@nothernbeat.ca For more BC politics: NorthernBeat.ca This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit northernbeatnews.substack.com/subscribe

    15 min
  4. Who's governing BC?

    Apr 20

    Who's governing BC?

    Hot off the press… Shortly before publishing this podcast, Premier David Eby’s office announced his government will not introduce amendments to the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples Act (DRIPA) this session. Suddenly, the issues we discussed in this week’s podcast are all the more relevant for what lies ahead in BC. Aboriginal law expert Geoffrey Moyse sat down with us this week to talk about the end goals of DRIPA and UNDRIP, what’s different about the first treaties ratified under them (introduced as legislation last week), and what it means to be co-governed by an elite group of Indigenous leaders without a public mandate who represent less than three per cent of the province’s population. Podcast excerpt: Has co-governing already begun? The Gitxaala BC Court of Appeal decision last December ruled that DRIPA is “the law” and all BC legislation must be interpreted through the lens of the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP). According to the Premier, this has unleashed “significant legal liabilities” in court cases against his government, creating an “existential threat.” Indigenous leaders, in the form of the First Nations Leadership Council, is having none of it, and called Eby’s reasoning a “tall tale” Eby vowed to amend DRIPA to neuter the provisions cited by the Appeal court. But after two overt attempts to get Indigenous leaders onside to accept his amendments of DRIPA, the premier has today backed down entirely… for this session at least. Most likely, he will now, cap in hand, take the time to consult in a manner acceptable to the First Nations Leadership Council on the province’s strategy going forward. Though, one can only wonder how he will “negotiate” any kind of reasonable compromise when the other parties have thundered he cannot so much as touch a comma in DRIPA. If, as Moyse says, UNDRIP and DRIPA have as end goals the co-governance of BC by Indigenous leaders, there may be no way to convince advocates to scale back their ambitions. Yet, if this is the existential threat the Premier said it is, carrying infinite liabilities for the province, it’s hard to see how his backdown serves the wider public interest, or if indeed he’s considering the public good at all. Watch the full podcast: Is Premier Eby really in charge? The need to have sign-off from an elite group of Indigenous chiefs is extremely problematic for democracy, says Moyse. “It’s a pretty good indication that he feels he’s unable to move on governing the province without first nations basically agreeing to what he’s proposing to do,” Moyse says. “You can’t govern a province waiting for two per cent of the population represented by a fairly activist [First Nations Leadership Council] to have to accede to whatever it is you want to do legislatively. “It’s ridiculous. But it is a product of UNDRIP.” So far, DRIPA has been an instrument of chaos There has been considerable chaos and acrimony—not to mention legislative debate, court battles and media coverage—surrounding what DRIPA is and isn’t. One indesputable fact is that this provincial legislation channels the principles of a United Nations declaration into BC law. And both the British Columbia and federal governments have embraced UNDRIP as the new “minimum standard for human rights” when negotiating Aboriginal rights and title agreements in this province. That Premier David Eby was surprised the BC Court of Appeal adopted a similar logic in its Gitxaala decision last December remains a perplexity given he was the attorney general who introduced the two laws, DRIPA in 2019 and the Interpretation Act in 2021, responsible for breathing life into UNDRIP. Whether you think UNDRIP is a political triumph or a threat to democracy, neither DRIPA nor UNDRIP conform to Canadian constitutional law and both have already begun to change how BC is being governed, says Moyse. Podcast excerpt: ‘Entirely undemocratic’ Moyse has logged more than 35 years in the Aboriginal law trenches, most of those for the BC government as legal counsel on treaty negotiations and Aboriginal law matters. Now retired from the public service, he advises an eclectic roster of clients on the current Aboriginal law landscape, including the Public Land Use Society. He is also a regular contributor to Northern Beat. Enjoy the pod and let us know what you think! These are important issues that deserve public debate. As always, thanks for supporting independent journalism and sharing our work. —Fran Podcast producers: Rob Shaw and Zach Proulx Feedback Fran@NorthernBeat.ca For more BC politics NorthernBeat.ca This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit northernbeatnews.substack.com/subscribe

    18 min

  5. Apr 11

    The Curious Case of Dr. Julian Somers

    [Listen to the highlights reel above or scroll to the bottom to watch the full podcasts] Did the BC government order Dr. Julian Somers to destroy vital scientific data? If so, why? If not, then where is it? That was the crux of contention between Opposition critic Claire Rattée and BC Health Minister Josie Osborne during several question periods last week. For four consecutive days, Rattée pressed Osborne for answers. “Why did this government order the destruction of critical addiction and public safety data right before launching its decriminalization experiment, and will [the minister] release all underlying data for independent review today?” asked Rattée on Apr. 1. Osborne dismissed the assertion as “false and absolutely misleading,” saying Somers had been a mere government contractor who was simply asked to “transition his data” to a new government database so it could be more widely accessible to researchers. “The data that Dr. Somers collected was not destroyed,” Osborne said, as former health minister Adrian Dix, on whose watch the order-to-destroy was issued, nodded and clapped in agreement. Then in a classic relationship-gone-bad fight-club pivot, Osborne resorted to a personal attack on Somers, accusing the distinguished professor and renowned addiction researcher of peddling misinformation. Podcast excerpt: ‘An orchestrated campaign’ Retorical deflections aside, the directive Somers received from government rang with chilling clarity. “… all data must be destroyed and all media storage devices that housed Ministry data must be sanitized,” writes a BC government official in a letter addressed to Somers, dated Mar. 5, 2021. Despite this documentary evidence, the minister insists the data survives. If the data lives on, then where is it? Northern Beat reached out to Minister Osborne for an interview but her office demurred, citing a lack of time. In response to a follow up request for access to the database the minister says now contains Dr. Somers’ research, government communications staff emailed a light description, with a link to the Data Innovation Program. Upon review, it’s difficult to understand which data the minister believes represents Dr. Somers’ unique body of research. His team’s data was the culmination of more than two decades of collaboration with researchers around the world, underwritten by tens of millions of federal government dollars. While various provincial ministries permitted access to certain records, the BC government did not design the group’s studies and provided only minimal funding for a fraction of them, Somers said. Much of the research his team had accumulated was specialized, requiring consent from participants and hard-won approvals from multiple ministries and ethics boards. Even if he’d wanted to, Somers lacked authorization to share or use his team’s data for any purpose beyond the strict parameters of the original studies. “We were an arm’s length, independent entity expected to design research to the highest standard,” said Somers, who was running a renowned mental health and addictions research centre at Simon Fraser University at the time. “There’s no way we could simply turn those data over to another party, another research group, let alone the BC government… that is a preposterous statement by the minister.” All research is not equal In one seminal study, Somers and his co-investigators followed 500 British Columbians who gave consent for the group to monitor their ongoing interactions with health, social services, homelessness, employment and the justice system over five years. Researchers also tracked as far back as 15 years to understand the trajectory of their interactions and intervention outcomes over time. By contrast, in the government’s database, the supposed current repository of Dr. Somers’ research, available data sets on homelessness are entirely “de-identified,” showing shelter use, social assistance payments and healthcare visits from 2019 to 2022. Somers’ research also revealed risk factors that weighted individuals towards a probable future of severe homelessness, mental illness and addiction. It revealed the migration of people from across BC to the Downtown Eastside and why. It showed predictors of the future demographic who would one day make their way to the infamous neighborhood. Crucially, his team’s research questioned the efficacy of major new, untested public policies the BC NDP government was in the midst of escalating. In fact, the order to destroy his data arrived mere days after he presented senior government officials—including then Attorney General and Housing minister David Eby—with his team’s evidence-based plan for dealing with homelessness, addiction and mental illness. Podcast excerpt: Inconvenient research What harms might have been prevented? For her part, Rattée questioned if the BC NDP administration implemented decriminalization and safe supply without adequate evidence and ignored Dr. Somers’ findings because they ran counter to government ideology. If government officials had heeded Dr. Somers’ research, allowing his team to evaluate key programs it has since abandoned, the province would now be on a very different public health policy path, she said. All of which raises troubling questions: What kind of regime tells a scientist to destroy years of valuable data underpinning all their ground-breaking research? How many people could have been helped, and how much harm prevented if the BC government had genuinely considered the findings of Dr. Somers and his team? [Upgrade to Paid] Capping the legislative debate last week, Rattée raised what’s called a question of privilege, asking the Speaker to determine whether the Health minister deliberately misled the house, and thus the public, in her statements about Dr. Somers’s data. The Speaker will consult with government to hear its arguments, before ruling on whether the minister breached her privilege, or essentially committed contempt of parliament. He will likely deliver his decision next week when session resumes. Listen/watch the full conversations below to learn more about Somers’ research and the perplexing narrative adopted by the BC government. Full Podcasts In the interests of sharing this story with everyone, we’re not putting the podcasts behind a paywall today. That said, good journalism takes time and money. If you haven’t yet upgraded to paid, please consider doing so. As an independent media outlet, we don’t have the deep pockets of large corporations. What we do have is the flexibility, editorial freedom and motivation to delve into policies and situations that might not otherwise get flagged or investigated for the public good. We take that job seriously and appreciate your support! As always, thanks for reading, watching and sharing our work. —Fran Claire Rattée Julian Somers Podcast producers: Rob Shaw and Zach Proulx Feedback to Fran@NorthernBeat.ca For more BC politics NorthernBeat.ca This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit northernbeatnews.substack.com/subscribe

    15 min
  6. PODCAST: Tom Isaac: 'This is not going to end well for British Columbia'

    Mar 12

    PODCAST: Tom Isaac: 'This is not going to end well for British Columbia'

    “The federal [Crown-Indigenous Relations] minister is on the record right now saying the [Musqueam] agreement protects private property. There’s not a word in the agreement that does that, not a word, not a comma.” —Tom Isaac Welcome to the Northern Beat podcast. First, a glimpse behind the curtain… we’re testing a few new video and audio formats this week. The audio highlights reel (above) features excerpts of the podcast to give you a punchy, speed-thru of the interview. If you want to catch it all, paid subscribers can now watch the full video interview. And all subscribers can access video previews for a quick peek of podcast guests. Let us know if you have apreference! It’s an important topic this week, focussed on the Musqueam rights and recognition agreement, which, among other things, acknowledges Aboriginal title somewhere in the Lower Mainland. We asked Aboriginal law expert Tom Isaac back to the pod to translate what the agreement means, why it matters, and the burning questions at the centre of it all: Why are our governments doing this? And why now? As always, thanks for caring about BC politics and supporting independent journalism. —Fran [Upgrade to Paid] Musqueam rights and recognition agreement “Musqueam laws and legal orders, grounded in our snəw̓eyəɬ now exist alongside and independently of Canada’s legal system.” —Musqueam rights recognition agreement Landowners and investors in British Columbia were already on tenterhooks when the federal government signed an agreement with Musqueam Indian Band that, among other things, recognizes “unextinguished” Aboriginal title somewhere within the group’s massive asserted territory spanning much of the Lower Mainland. News of the agreement followed an already tumultuous couple of years for private property owners. The 2024 Haida-BC government agreement recognized Aboriginal title over all private property on Haida Gwaii (subsequently constitutionally enshrined with a secret court declaration). Then last August, the BC Supreme Court Cowichan Tribes ruling found Aboriginal title is the “senior interest” over roughly 150 private properties in Richmond. So when news of the Feb. 20 agreement between Ottawa and the Musqueam Indian Band finally leaked out to the public, it detonated like a political bomb. Two additional agreements were also signed that day, related to stewardship and marine management over water and resources , as well as shared decision-making over fisheries within Musqueam claimed territory. But is was the rights recognition deal that rocked already shell-shocked landowners. “Our legal tradition addressed key principles such as permissible access and presence in the territory and mechanisms to address uninvited or unwelcomed people… we have consistently protected and governed access to our territory and resources throughout our history.” —From the Musqueam rights recognition agreement Under the terms of the rights recognition agreement, the federal government not only recognizes Aboriginal title somewhere within Musqueam’s claimed territory, it also commits to using UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) as the template going forward. Tom Isaac explains why this is unprecedented and how the effects could reverberate across the province and country… and not in a good way. Podcast preview: What worries investors It’s more than a framework for negotiations Some proponents of the deal have told everyone to calm down, that it’s just a framework to tee up future negotiations. “That’s half the story, but it’s not the full story,” says Isaac. Yes, it’s a framework, but it also recognizes Aboriginal title—which confers exclusive use of the land–without identifying where that land is located within BC’s largest, most populous city. Crucially, the federal government commits to the articles of UNDRIP as the “minimum standards” that must be met when dealing with all Indigenous people. Accordinging to Isaac, UNDRIP is an impossible standard that no justice system anywhere could actually meet. UNDRIP accepts asserted territory as ownership of land, bypassing the rigorous legal test of occupation set out in Canadian constitutional law. “It’s not a test for Aboriginal title. There’s no evidentiary burden there. It’s basically all of Canada.” Where Canadian law requires onerous proof of aboriginal title and has legally defined title, accounting for overlapping claims, and justifiable infringement, explains Isaac. “[UNDRIP] is like, ‘No, it’s yours.’” Given the constitutional provision of the “honour of the Crown,” courts will now be well within their right to hold Canada accountable to meet the standards of UNDRIP, says Isaac. “Otherwise they’re just empty words. So which one is it, minister, do you mean what you say, or are they empty words?” We’ve seen this play out already when last December, the BC Court of Appeal called the BC government on its ‘words’ in the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples Act (DRIPA), which commits to incorporating the principles of UNDRIP into all BC laws. Elected officials had framed DRIPA as alternately inspirations, or a guiding framework, but the court ruled the legislation “actionable” in court, meaning government is legally bound to uphold it to the letter of the law. The premier reacted with outrage, lashing out at the court, vowing to amend the legislation this session. Ironically, hypocritically, Eby himself introduced the law he was now angrily pledging to amend. Everybody knows that UNDRIP can’t be fully implemented, says Isaac. “So then you go, ‘Well, why are we saying sort of silly statements that on their face cannot be implemented?” Why our governments keep doing this is a perplexity we examine in this podcast. [Upgrade to Paid] Podcast Preview: ‘This is not going to end well’ Private property is not protected in Musqueam agreement Both the Musqueam chief and the federal Crown-Indigenous Relations minister tried to assuag public panic, insisting the deal only involves federal lands and leaves private property “unaffected.” But Isaac challenges the notion. “There’s not a comma in the agreement that restricts this agreement, or Canada’s agreements in it, to federal lands.” Tom Isaac is a leading Aboriginal law expert in Canada. He’s represented multiple levels of governments, industries and businesses across the country and court systems, on major projects, on regulatory and constitutional matters. He led negotiations on the largest class-action suit settlement for residential school students in Canadian history ($2.8 billion). He’s currently 300 pages deep into writing his 17th law book (spoiler: it’s on the duty of the Crown). Upgrade to paid to WATCH the FULL Video PODCAST Podcast producers: Rob Shaw & Zach Proulx Feedback: Fran@NorthernBeat.ca More BC politics: NorthernBeat.ca This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit northernbeatnews.substack.com/subscribe

    17 min

  7. Mar 6

    PODCAST: Iain Black

    “We’re paralyzed. Our economy is falling over on its side…. that’s the horror of the position we’ve been put into by the government.” Iain Black has so many concerns with how the province of BC is being governed, he’s jumped back into the political fray to do something about it. A BC Conservative leadership candidate, Black is a former BC Liberal cabinet minister and CEO of the Greater Vancouver Board of Trade. He also led multiple private companies in the tech sector. “I’m an experienced CEO. I take over companies, I restructure them, I build executive teams… leadership development and growing teams is my expertise.” All of which makes him well-suited to lead the Conservative party, become premier, and tackle the challenges facing the province, he argues. We caught up with Black while he was campaigning on Vancouver Island. He pulled over to speak with us from his car. —Fran [Upgrade to paid] ‘The province is broke’ According to Black, there are a lot of complex problems that need solving: a bloated executive-heavy health sector with frontline staffing shortages, “tragic souls” needing mandatory mental health and addictions care, a “mis-hit” on values between what the majority believe and what government is delivering, unaffordable housing, and layers of regulations strangling the housing and resource development sectors. “You’ve got an entire generation of voters stepping back and saying, ‘Whatever this is, it’s not working for me.’” Add to that, a historic $13.3 billion deficit, a tripling of the provincial debt in nine years, and more. “The financial situation and the financial management of this province is absolutely at a crisis.” The swing from a $5 billion surplus in 2022 to a $13 billion deficit this year is especially concerning because you can’t point to anything taxpayers got for that, says Black. “Show me the bridges, hospitals, the schools, the roads, show me something that we got for this money… there’s nothing there.” The fix won’t be simple, easy or quick, but it will involve spending cuts and restructuring how government does things, including rolling back the regulatory burden on businesses and getting certification in place for professional firms serving housing and the “dirt” sectors like mining, oil and gas, forestry, agriculture, to speed up permitting. Mining permits take years or even decades, and it takes five years to build a mid-sized apartment complex in Surrey, Vancouver or Victoria, he says. “The permitting process is killing us right now.” Podcast preview: Secret BC NDP deals hurt reconciliation The ‘shadow’ that looms over nearly everything Along with the dire fiscal situation, Black says DRIPA and the way the BC NDP government is implementing reconciliation, looms over nearly everything. “A shadow is being thrown over them by the current urgency around where the heck are we at with First Nations,” says Black. “And a great deal of push back is now building resentment towards the NDP government for bringing us to this place where we clearly don’t need to be.” The whole reconciliation file is “continuing to dominate the psyche of every British Columbian.” He says it’s the number one issue that people bring up as he travels the province. Much of the angst and uncertainty tracks back to the way government has made decisions around rights and title and the involvement of Indigenous communities with economic development, Black says. “By the authorship of [Premier] David Eby and the NDP, we have a crisis on our hands with respect to our relationship with First Nations.” At a time when the economy needs billions of dollars of new investment, he says government policy has created an environment where British Columbia is now “largely uninvestable.” Because of this, and the huge uncertainty it has fuelled over private property rights (on top of the Cowichan Tribes court decision), the damage is already done, he says. We really don’t have a choice, DRIPA has to be repealed. The Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples Act was passed in 2019 with all-party support, but Black argues the way it has been implemented by the BC NDP has proven unworkable. The fallout of repealing the law will be immense, but there’s no alternative, he says, because “we’re paralyzed. Our economy is falling over on its side…. that’s the horror of the position we’ve been put into by the government.” [Upgrade to paid] Secretly enshrining Haida title is ‘beyond unethical’ The BC and federal governments’ secret actions to enshrine the Haida land title agreement into the Constitution is one such move, according to Black. “What really bothered me was the quiet, sneaky way that the government got that deal enshrined into the Constitution, which means that any subsequent government cannot undo that decision.” Regardless of the contents of the agreement, or whether you vote Conservative, Liberal or NDP, it is anti-democratic to take away powers from a future government, Black says. “And to do so secretly, without debate in the Legislative Assembly… it’s beyond unethical. I think it’s immoral.” ‘It’s deceitful’ Different governments bring in different policies, and voters can decide every four years “whether they’re with you or not,” but, the current government is undercutting that democratic process by demonstrating a disturbing “pattern of secrecy,” says Black. He cites the shifting narrative by BC NDP officials on what they knew when about the Federal government-Musqueam agreement. “At the beginning of the day, you had our provincial government saying, ‘No, we knew nothing about it. This is a surprise to us. Boy, let’s look into this.’ And within even an hour or so, they immediately backtracked and said, ‘Actually, we did know about it, and the agreement did involve Premier Eby, and it was actually signed in his own riding in his backyard.’ “It’s deceitful,” says Black. “What I struggle with is this denial [by government] that there is this type of an agenda in place, but then one deal after another, one situation after another, one negotiation after another, we learn about it after the fact. “The deals themselves are not put in front of the Legislative Assembly—which is the people's representatives—to decide, to debate whether something is being done the right way, and whether that outcome is what was good for British Columbia and the 5.7 million people who live here,” says Black. “If you want to have a debate about a good idea being right or wrong. Let’s have that debate, but this is just, it’s sneaky and dishonest, and the people have lost the trust on the government on this point, and I think deservedly so. “These chickens are coming home to roost right now for the NDP.” Podcast producers: Rob Shaw and Zach Proulx For more BC politics, check out NorthernBeat.ca Feedback to Fran@NorthernBeat.ca This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit northernbeatnews.substack.com/subscribe

    52 min

  8. Mar 1

    PODCAST: Peter Milobar: 'I have a way forward'

    “I fully well understand what the role of the Premier is and that's about the protection, and an eye to the protection, of all in British Columbia.” BC Conservative leadership contender, Peter Milobar, has a reputation as a serious legislator who knows his files. A skilled debater, impervious to heckling from the government side, his arguments are logical, often dense with facts and occasionally punctuated with deadpan retorts. A former city councillor, Milobar was elected mayor of Kamloops three times and board chair of the Thompson-Nicola Regional Distist five years in a row. In 2017, he won the Kamloops North Thompson riding and joined the Official Opposition BC Liberals (later, renamed BC United) where he served variously as house leader, critic of the environment, Indigenous relations, and finance. When BC United folded in 2024, Milobar was recruited by the BC Conservatives and won the riding of Kamloops Centre. For the last four years, he has been finance critic opposite three finance ministers, largely under Premier David Eby. In that time, “there is no doubt that fiscal restraint has gone completely out the window,” Milobar says. Arguably, no one in the legislative chamber, outside of the current BC NDP Finance Minister, knows the BC government’s budgets better than Milobar. There are worse starting points for a man with his eye on the premier’s chair. Postcast preview: Being OK with a ‘D’ Grade Before he can make his case to the province, Milobar must first convince BC Conservative members he’s the best candidate to lead their party into the next general election. Like other contenders, Milobar is working hard to meet members and raise his profile so people understand who he is and what he stands for. [Conversations that Matter host Stu McNish aired an informative interview with Milobar on Vancouver Sun, giving a shotgun overview his views across several key areas.] In our conversation this week, we went deeper into the province’s most complex problems, namely, historic levels of government debt and deficit, and a mismanaged reconciliation agenda. Milobar parses through the strategy to rein in spending, arguing that fiscal measures must be tied to improving outcomes. “We are not a competitive tax jurisdiction when it comes to job creators, when it comes to attracting investment.” He says the BC government must clarify decision-making on the land base to restore investor and landowner certainty and accelerate resource development and project permitting. “It's been eight months [since government introduced] the legislation to accelerate projects and they don't have the regulation written for the legislation that's supposed to accelerate projects,” he said. “I'm not saying you can just wave a magic wand… but what we have right now is a government that is just in paralysis to actually move forward with anything. We need to put a little bit of common sense into this to actually get the permits flowing.” ‘DRIPA is not the vehicle’ Milobar lays out why he and other Opposition MLAs voted with the BCNDP to pass the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples Act (DRIPA) in 2019, along with the disconnect between how the legislation was presented at the time by elected officials of the late John Horgan's government, versus what has been implemented since. He is clear on what must happen next to advance genuine reconciliation. “DRIPA is not the vehicle; it needs to be repealed.” After a court ruling stated all laws must conform with DRIPA, Premier David Eby promised to bring in amendments to essentially restrict the courts from being able to treat DRIPA as an actionable law. Leaders of some First Nations groups have warned DRIPA must stay as is. Eby hasn’t yet shared the substance of the amendments. “We just have to acknowledge it was a failed attempt by government to try to do something that didn't work. There's no shame in admitting that and moving on,” says Milobar. Instead, he says, government needs to find another way forward that protects private property rights, respects the constitutional obligations and duties to Indigenous people, and negotiates in good faith with First Nations. “I full well understand what the role of the Premier is and that’s about the proterction, and an eye to the protection, of the rights of all in British Columbia, not one subsection or the other,” says Milobar. “But that means treating everybody fairly and with respect. It doesn’t mean everyone just gets what they want.” Listen to the podcast to hear all this and more. As always, thanks for reading and supporting independent journalism. And let us know what you think of today’s pod. —Fran Podcast producers: Rob Shaw & Zach Proulx Feedback: Fran@northernbeat.ca For more BC politics: northernbeat.ca This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit northernbeatnews.substack.com/subscribe

    1h 10m
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About

Stories you can trust about BC politics, policies, leadership, and more at www.northernbeat.ca northernbeatnews.substack.com

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  • Creator
    Northern Beat News
  • Years Active
    2025 - 2026
  • Episodes
    27
  • Rating
    Clean
  • Copyright
    © Northern Beat
  • Show Website
    Northern Beat News Podcast

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