Timothy Hundley's Substack Podcast

Timothy Hundley

The Table brings Timothy Hundley’s spoken essays on faith, queer life, spiritual harm, justice, and the question beneath them all: Does this look like Jesus? It is grace for every soul still reaching for God through the rubble—and an invitation to pull out another chair. timothyhundley.substack.com

  1. 2d ago

    Oh, Captain. My Captain.

    I rarely cry when a celebrity dies. That isn’t a statement about my capacity for empathy, nor does it suggest that I fail to appreciate the contributions artists make to our lives. Death is always worthy of reverence, and the passing of someone who has brought joy, beauty, or meaning into the world deserves acknowledgment. But today, when I learned that Sir Patrick Stewart had died, something unexpected happened. I teared up. As I sat with the news, trying to understand why this particular loss had affected me so deeply, I realized something rather peculiar: I felt as though I had lost a friend. This was a man I had never met, who had never known my name, and whose life had unfolded at a considerable distance from my own. Yet his voice had accompanied me through decades of my life, and the character he brought to life had become something of a familiar presence. Captain Jean-Luc Picard and Sir Patrick Stewart had, somewhere along the way, become inseparable in my imagination. I knew perfectly well that one was a fictional character and the other a human being with a life infinitely more complex than any television portrayal could capture. Nevertheless, when I learned of Stewart’s death, I found myself mourning both the man and the captain. There was something extraordinary about Jean-Luc Picard. In a television landscape where strength was so often demonstrated through aggression, dominance, and the exercise of power, Picard offered something profoundly different. He was a captain who listened, a leader who deliberated, and a man whose authority was never diminished by his willingness to acknowledge uncertainty, consider another perspective, or admit that he might be wrong. He could command a starship into battle, but he was equally capable of sitting across from an adversary and asking whether there might be another way. He believed in diplomacy, not because he lacked the courage to fight, but because he understood the terrible consequences of failing to pursue peace. Picard believed in the dignity of persons, the pursuit of knowledge, and the possibility that humanity, despite its long and often disgraceful history, possessed the capacity to become something better. His understanding of leadership was rooted in responsibility rather than entitlement. He recognized that command was not simply the privilege of making decisions but the obligation to live with their consequences, particularly when those consequences would be borne by others. Perhaps most importantly, he understood that having the power to do something did not necessarily confer the moral authority to do it. I have always found that distinction rather beautiful, and increasingly, rather rare. Patrick Stewart did not invent these ideals. The writers, producers, and countless creative minds behind Star Trek: The Next Generation helped construct the world in which they existed. But Stewart made them believable. His Shakespearean training gave Picard gravitas, his restraint gave him credibility, and his humanity gave him warmth. He possessed the remarkable ability to communicate authority without relying upon intimidation. His voice could fill a room, but it could also soften into an expression of genuine tenderness. He could deliver a moral argument with extraordinary conviction while allowing the audience to see the vulnerability of the man making it. Through Stewart’s portrayal, Picard became far more than a collection of admirable principles. He became someone whose convictions had been tested, challenged, and occasionally broken. Beneath the commanding voice and impeccable bearing was a man who knew fear, regret, loneliness, and failure. Picard was not immune to trauma, nor was he always certain that his decisions were correct. He struggled with the consequences of his choices and sometimes discovered that even his most carefully reasoned convictions were insufficient to protect those entrusted to his care. Yet he continued striving toward goodness. His heroism did not emerge from an absence of weakness but from his refusal to allow weakness, fear, or suffering to become the final authority over his character. He was a profoundly imperfect man who nevertheless believed that integrity was worth pursuing, even when the pursuit demanded something painful of him. As a theologian, I have spent much of my life thinking about the relationship between power and morality. Who has authority? What legitimizes it? What obligations accompany it? And what becomes of those who must live beneath its exercise? These are not merely political or philosophical questions; they are deeply theological ones. Religious communities have wrestled with them for centuries, sometimes arriving at beautiful expressions of humility and service, and sometimes producing systems in which authority becomes indistinguishable from domination. We have constructed elaborate theological defenses of power while occasionally neglecting the much simpler question of whether its exercise reflects compassion, justice, and love. While Jean-Luc Picard was hardly a religious figure, I have often found his example more morally compelling than that of many people who profess to speak on behalf of God. He did not need to claim divine authority to understand the dignity of another person, nor did he need to make himself superior to someone else to establish his own worth. He did not confuse disagreement with disobedience or regard compassion as weakness. His convictions were substantial enough to withstand scrutiny, and his understanding of leadership left room for the agency and humanity of those around him. For someone who has spent years examining the ways religious authority can either nurture or suppress human flourishing, there is something striking about encountering such a compelling ethical example aboard a fictional starship. Imagine that: a captain navigating an imagined twenty-fourth century demonstrating forms of moral maturity that humanity, centuries before his fictional existence, still struggles to embrace. Perhaps that was always the genius of Star Trek. It did not simply invite audiences to imagine what technology might become. It asked what humanity might become if we developed our moral imagination alongside our scientific achievements. The Enterprise represented a future in which discovery was not merely an instrument of conquest or accumulation, but an expression of curiosity, cooperation, and the belief that existence held possibilities beyond the limitations of our present understanding. Picard stood at the center of that vision, not as a flawless embodiment of its ideals, but as a man continually attempting to live up to them. Tonight, I found myself watching the opening credits of Star Trek: The Next Generation. The familiar orchestral music rose as the Enterprise traveled through the cosmos, accompanied by that unmistakable voice inviting us once again into a future filled with possibility. I have heard that introduction more times than I could possibly count, yet listening to it today felt different. The words were familiar, the music unchanged, and the promise of exploration as stirring as ever. What had changed was my awareness that the man whose voice had become so intimately associated with that promise was gone. For a moment, I was transported backward through my own life. There is something peculiar about the people who accompany us through the years by way of stories. They become fixtures in our emotional landscape, familiar through repetition and beloved through association. We recognize their voices before they finish speaking, remember their triumphs and failures, and carry their lessons into circumstances far removed from the fictional worlds in which we first encountered them. Over time, their presence becomes woven into the fabric of our own experience. We can return to an episode watched decades earlier and discover that, while the story has remained unchanged, we have become different people in the years since we first encountered it. Perhaps that is one of the quieter gifts of enduring art. It preserves something of our own history, allowing us to revisit the people we once were through the stories that helped shape us. A familiar piece of music can summon an entire season of life, and a familiar voice can awaken memories we had not consciously revisited in years. The people who inhabit those stories become companions of a peculiar sort. We do not know them personally, and they do not know us, but their work has nevertheless participated in the formation of our inner lives. Their influence is real even when the relationship itself exists entirely through the medium of art. No, Patrick Stewart and I were not friends in the ordinary sense. We had never shared a conversation, exchanged correspondence, or occupied the same room. But I had spent enough time in the world he helped create that his presence felt like that of an old and welcome acquaintance. His performances had given expression to convictions I admired, offered examples of leadership I respected, and helped sustain a vision of humanity toward which I believe we ought to strive. Perhaps that is why the news struck me as it did. I was not merely mourning the death of an accomplished actor. I was mourning the departure of someone whose work had helped shape my imagination, my appreciation for moral courage, and perhaps even some portion of the man I have become. Sir Patrick Stewart died on October 28, 2026, at the age of eighty-six. His life extended far beyond the bridge of the Enterprise. He was a remarkable stage actor, a celebrated performer, an advocate, a husband, a father, and a man whose artistry reached across generations. His family and friends knew dimensions of him that his audiences never could, and their loss is profoundly more intimate than ours. I would never presume otherwise. Yet acknowledging that distinction does not require dismissing the genuine sadness felt by those

  2. 4d ago

    Get Off Your Ass and Vote.

    There comes a point when complaining about the state of our nation becomes an exercise in futility if we are unwilling to do anything about it. We complain about Congress. We complain about the economy. We complain about the cost of groceries, the price of housing, the condition of our schools, and the seemingly endless parade of political theater masquerading as governance. The Table with Timothy Hundley is a reader-supported publication. To receive new posts and support my work, consider becoming a free or paid subscriber. We complain over dinner. We complain on social media. We complain to our friends, our coworkers, and anyone unfortunate enough to be standing within earshot. And then Election Day comes. And some of us stay home. I have a rather straightforward message for those of us who have made political outrage a recreational activity: Get off your ass and vote. Your Outrage Is Not a Ballot We have become exceptionally talented at expressing dissatisfaction. We can compose a scathing Facebook post, dismantle a politician’s argument in a comment section, and spend hours debating the failures of our government. But none of those activities casts a ballot. There is a peculiar contradiction in demanding accountability from elected officials while declining to participate in the process by which those officials are elected. Voting does not guarantee that our preferred candidates will win. It does not guarantee that legislation will pass, that campaign promises will be honored, or that the machinery of government will suddenly function as we believe it should. But it establishes something foundational: participation. Democracy is not a promise that we will always get our way. It is a system through which we exercise a measure of collective authority over the people who govern us. And that authority requires us to show up. The Midterms Are Not a Dress Rehearsal On Tuesday, November 3, Americans will head to the polls for the 2026 midterm elections. Every seat in the United States House of Representatives is up for election, along with approximately one-third of the Senate. Depending on where you live, additional state and local contests and ballot measures may also appear. These are not inconsequential elections tucked between presidential campaigns. Congress writes laws, appropriates funds, conducts oversight, and exercises powers that shape the direction of the nation. Meanwhile, state and local governments make decisions whose consequences we encounter in our schools, neighborhoods, workplaces, and everyday lives. The presidency may command the greatest share of national attention, but governing does not happen exclusively at 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue. If we only pay attention to democracy once every four years, we are ignoring much of the government that affects our daily lives. Faith Without Participation? For those of us who approach public life through the lens of faith, I believe there is an additional question worth considering. What does it mean to pray for justice while refusing opportunities to participate in the public decisions that affect our neighbors? The prophet Micah asks what the Lord requires of humanity and answers with a familiar charge: to do justice, love kindness, and walk humbly with God. Notice that justice is something we are called to do. Not merely admire. Not simply discuss. Not endlessly lament its absence. Do. I am not suggesting that casting a ballot fulfills the whole of our moral responsibility. Far from it. And I certainly reject the notion that any political party enjoys exclusive ownership of God’s will. Faithful people can examine the same issues and arrive at different political conclusions. Conscience deserves more respect than partisan conformity. But we cannot reasonably claim that our neighbors’ well-being matters to us while treating every opportunity for civic involvement as someone else’s responsibility. Prayer and participation are not mutually exclusive. We can do both. The Privilege of Having a Choice We should also be honest about the fact that voting is not equally easy for everyone. Some people face transportation problems, inflexible work schedules, disabilities, caregiving responsibilities, complicated registration requirements, or other genuine barriers. Those realities deserve attention, not condemnation. A person prevented from voting by circumstances beyond their control is not the same as a person who simply cannot be bothered. That distinction matters. But for those of us who are eligible, have access to the polls, and possess the means to participate, habitual indifference deserves examination. We live in a country where generations struggled to expand access to the ballot. The history of American democracy includes extraordinary movements to secure voting rights for people who were deliberately excluded from political participation. That history does not mean our electoral system is perfect. It certainly does not mean our work toward a more representative democracy is finished. It does mean the right to vote should never be treated as something too insignificant to exercise. Stop Waiting for the Perfect Candidate I often hear people explain their absence from the polls by declaring that they dislike every available candidate. I understand the frustration. Political campaigns can be exhausting. Candidates can disappoint us. The distance between political promises and governing realities can make even attentive citizens cynical. But the ballot is not a marriage proposal. We are not being asked to find a candidate who embodies everything we believe, thinks precisely as we think, or satisfies every moral and political expectation we possess. We are being asked to exercise judgment. That judgment may lead different voters to different conclusions. It may also lead someone to leave a particular contest blank while participating in others. The important thing is to approach the decision thoughtfully rather than surrendering the whole exercise to apathy. Read the ballot. Examine the candidates’ records and proposals. Understand the questions being presented. Decide what your conscience permits. Then act accordingly. November 3 Is Coming There is still time to make a plan. Find out where you vote. Check your registration and the voting requirements in your state. Review the candidates and ballot questions before you enter the polling place. If early voting is available to you, consider using it. If you have already voted, wonderful. If you know someone struggling to navigate the process, help them locate reliable election information. And if you have spent the last two years complaining about the people making decisions in Washington, your state capital, or your city hall, consider whether you are willing to spend a little time participating in the process that puts them there. The future of this country is not determined by a single election. Our democracy requires far more than ballots, and citizenship demands far more than occasional participation. But elections are among the most direct opportunities we possess to exercise our civic voice. So exercise it. Not because I told you which candidate deserves your support. Not because a political party expects your loyalty. Not because a preacher, commentator, celebrity, or social media personality has declared what your conscience must believe. Vote because your citizenship carries both a voice and a responsibility. Vote thoughtfully. Vote according to your convictions. Vote with an understanding that your neighbors have just as much right to reach a different conclusion. And whatever the outcome, remain engaged afterward. Because democracy is not something we observe from the comfort of our couches while complaining that everyone else is doing it wrong. It is something we participate in. So, with all the love and exasperation I can muster: Get off your ass and vote. And as always, there’s room for another chair at the table. — Timothy Hundley Voting resources Election Day: Tuesday, November 3, 2026. * National voter information: https://www.usa.gov/voting * Virginia registration and voting information: https://www.elections.virginia.gov/ * Virginia polling-place lookup: https://vote.elections.virginia.gov/VoterInformation/Lookup/polling Keep the Conversation Going Election Day is November 3, but civic engagement doesn’t begin or end at the ballot box. Substack has a dedicated space for exploring the midterms, with reporting, analysis, and perspectives to help you engage with the issues and conversations surrounding this election. Explore the 2026 Midterms on Substack Read widely. Think critically. Make your own decisions. And for heaven’s sake, get off your ass and vote. The Table with Timothy Hundley is a reader-supported publication. To receive new posts and support my work, consider becoming a free or paid subscriber. Get full access to The Table with Timothy Hundley at timothyhundley.substack.com/subscribe

  3. Oct 16

    NSSA: The National School Security Administration We Don’t Have

    A five-year-old child went to elementary school in Bend, Oregon, on Thursday. That child did not come home. Neither did an eight-year-old. Neither did an eleven-year-old. Neither did one of their teachers. On October 15, 2026, a 16-year-old armed with a pump-action shotgun arrived at Silver Rail Elementary School and opened fire. Another seven-year-old child and another teacher were critically wounded. The doors were locked. I want you to sit with that sentence. The doors were locked. The shooter shot through them. Because somewhere along the way, America decided that “lock the doors” constituted a serious national security strategy for elementary school children facing firearms powerful enough to make the lock irrelevant. And now we will do what we always do. We will lower flags. We will send thoughts. We will offer prayers. Parents will receive emails assuring them that their own child’s school takes safety very seriously. Teachers will review procedures. Children will practice where to hide. Politicians will call what happened “unimaginable,” even though American children have been required to imagine precisely this scenario during lockdown drills for years. Spare me the word unimaginable. We have imagined it. We have rehearsed it. We have rehearsed it with kindergarteners. What we have refused to do is treat it like a national emergency. After September 11, 2001, the United States did not respond to the murder of nearly 3,000 people by telling airline passengers to become more situationally aware. We did not hand pilots a pamphlet. We did not leave airport security entirely to a collection of municipalities and hope that each one found enough room in next year’s budget. Congress passed the Aviation and Transportation Security Act in November 2001. It created the Transportation Security Administration. Federal law required the deployment of enough federal screeners, security managers, security personnel, and law-enforcement officers to perform required screening at American airports within one year. One year. By 2022, TSA described an operation spanning roughly 430 federalized airports with approximately 60,000 employees. We changed the experience of air travel for an entire nation because we decided something very simple: Certain catastrophic risks are unacceptable even when they are statistically rare. You take off your shoes because one man once tried to detonate explosives hidden in his. Your bag goes through a machine. Your body goes through a machine. Your shampoo bottle can be confiscated. There are federally established rules determining what you may carry through a checkpoint before boarding an airplane. We accepted inconvenience, bureaucracy, billions of dollars in spending, federal employees, new technology and permanently altered public behavior because Americans agreed that preventing another catastrophic aviation attack was worth it. Now consider where we send our children. The United States operates 99,073 public elementary and secondary schools serving 49.3 million students. In the most recent nationwide federal school-security statistics, 97.1 percent of public schools controlled access to their buildings. Only 2.4 percent conducted daily metal-detector checks on students. Among elementary schools, it was approximately 0.5 percent. And today in Bend, the locked door did exactly what a locked door can do against a shotgun. Almost nothing. Donald Trump loves executive orders. He has used presidential authority again and again to reorganize federal priorities, reshape immigration enforcement, change government policy, restructure agencies and push the machinery of the executive branch toward whatever he believes deserves immediate attention. Fine. Here is another order for the Resolute Desk. Protect America’s children. Tomorrow morning, direct the Department of Justice, Department of Education, Department of Homeland Security and every other relevant federal agency to develop a national standard for school security. Inventory every federal program already available. Coordinate them. Prioritize school protection. Identify every authority the executive branch already possesses. Then walk to a microphone and tell Congress that America needs a permanent institution devoted to this problem: The National School Security Administration. The NSSA. TSA exists because we decided that the safety of Americans traveling through our transportation system was a matter of national importance. Why isn’t the safety of children attending a legally compulsory public institution treated the same way? Give the NSSA one mission: No child’s physical safety at school should depend upon the ZIP code in which that child happens to live. Let it establish national minimum standards. Let it fund hardened entrances. Let it fund modern access control. Let it help schools install appropriate weapons-detection technology where evidence and risk assessments justify it. Let it fund emergency communications. Let it establish national threat-assessment standards. Let it integrate anonymous reporting systems. Let it help districts hire the security professionals they cannot afford. Let it inspect. Let it certify. Let it collect data. Let it study failures. Let it research what works. And when something fails, let it change the standard. Most importantly, let Washington pay for it instead of sending another grant application to an exhausted superintendent and calling that a national policy. Yes, Congress would have to create and permanently fund such an agency. Then send Congress the bill. Make them vote on it. Make every senator and every representative put their name next to an answer to one simple question: Do you believe every American child deserves a minimum national standard of physical safety at school, or don’t you? And if the answer is yes, fund it. Not someday. Not after another commission. Not after another study. Not after another massacre. Now. If this administration can discover urgency when it wants urgency, then surely murdered elementary school children qualify. If executive power can be used aggressively to pursue immigration priorities, economic priorities, regulatory priorities and political priorities, then use that same urgency to make schoolchildren a national priority. Do not tell me Washington is powerless. Washington is almost never powerless. Washington is selective. And if Washington says we cannot afford it, then perhaps it is finally time for a national conversation about the things America apparently can afford. We live in one of the wealthiest societies in human history. We live in a country where individual human beings control fortunes measured in hundreds of billions of dollars. Perhaps Elon Musk could part with some infinitesimal fraction of that extraordinary wealth. Perhaps the billionaires who have benefited enormously from American infrastructure, American research, American universities, American workers, American courts, American financial markets, American government contracts and American technological development could help finance the civilization that made fortunes of that scale possible. Perhaps the President of the United States, who so readily speaks of national greatness, could decide that national greatness includes children surviving elementary school. Perhaps Congress could discover that protecting classrooms deserves the same urgency routinely summoned for tax policy, defense programs, border infrastructure, corporate incentives and every other priority Washington suddenly knows how to finance when powerful people decide it matters. I am tired of being told what America cannot afford immediately after watching America produce money for the things it actually values. Show me the federal budget and I will show you a moral document. Budgets tell us what matters. And if nearly 50 million public-school children can be sent into buildings with radically different levels of protection depending on the wealth of their district, then the federal budget is telling us something profoundly ugly about our priorities. If you want to know how many school shootings America has endured, first you encounter another obscenity: We cannot even agree on what counts. The K–12 School Shooting Database uses an intentionally broad definition. It records incidents whenever a gun is fired, brandished with intent to harm, or a bullet strikes school property, regardless of motive, time of day or number of victims. That means its figures include mass attacks, fights, suicides, accidents, gang violence and domestic incidents. Under that definition, its published annual totals show 2,467 firearm incidents at American K–12 schools between 2001 and 2025—the last 25 complete calendar years. Two thousand, four hundred and sixty-seven. Federal education statistics using the broad definition documented 1,375 school shootings from the 2000–01 through 2021–22 school years, leaving 515 people dead and another 1,161 injured. Five hundred and fifteen dead. And that federal accounting stops years before the four people murdered in Bend today. Use a narrower definition and the totals fall dramatically—but the horror does not disappear. Education Week counts only K–12 incidents in which gunfire actually injures or kills someone other than the perpetrator. Before today’s Bend shooting had been incorporated, its 2026 tracker counted 25 such school shootings this year, 13 dead, 24 injured, and 266 qualifying shootings since January 2018. We can fight over definitions. A five-year-old is still dead. And before someone responds that schools are not airports, congratulations on noticing the obvious. No, an elementary school should not resemble a prison terminal. No, research does not establish that simply installing a metal detector prevents school shootings. A systematic review found insufficient evidence that metal detectors reduce violent behavior and found some evidence that they can wo

  4. Oct 5

    A Shared Life

    There is a kind of exhaustion that sleep cannot reach. It is the exhaustion of carrying a life that no one else seems to feel responsible for. Of being surrounded by people and still wondering who would notice if you began to disappear. Of hearing that you belong while discovering, when you need something, that belonging comes with very little help. I keep returning to three words: a shared life. I mean a life in which what happens to you matters to someone besides you. A life in which your hunger changes what someone does with their abundance. Your exhaustion changes what someone asks of you. Your absence is noticed, and your presence is wanted even when you have nothing useful to offer. That is a question for all of us. What would it mean to live as though our neighbors have a claim on our care? Jesus placed love of neighbor beside love of God. In Matthew 22, the command to love our neighbor as ourselves belongs alongside the command to love God with our whole being. We have spent centuries finding ways to make the first command sound spiritual while making the second optional. But the neighbor has a body. The neighbor needs somewhere to sleep. The neighbor may be frightened, underpaid, grieving, or so worn down that answering a simple message feels like another task they cannot manage. Loving that person requires something of our actual lives. In Luke 10, a man asks Jesus who counts as his neighbor. Jesus answers with a wounded person beside a road and a Samaritan who stops. The Samaritan allows another person’s suffering to interrupt his journey. He tends wounds, arranges shelter, pays for care, and makes provision for what comes afterward. The story ends with an instruction to do likewise. I wonder how much of our communal life would change if we took the afterward seriously. We can be remarkably generous during a crisis. The harder question is who remains when the urgency fades and the need continues. Who checks again? Who remembers that grief outlasts the funeral, that illness outlasts the fundraiser, that losing a job can unsettle a household long after everyone else has returned to normal? A shared life has room for the afterward. The biblical insistence on caring for widows brings this responsibility close to home. In the world of those texts, losing a husband could leave a woman without income, protection, or standing. Scripture repeatedly places responsibility for her wellbeing upon the people around her. Her loss must matter to the community. There is a human truth here that reaches anyone who has lost a partner. The person who knew the rhythms of the day is gone. The one who noticed whether you had eaten, remembered what worried you, or helped carry the ordinary weight of living is no longer there. Bereavement can take away an entire pattern of shared life. Community cannot replace that person. It can help keep grief from becoming abandonment. It can remember that the surviving person still needs companionship when the visitors have gone home. It can make sure that a household becoming smaller does not make a life less visible. Caring for the widow asks us to keep showing up where a shared life has been broken. The first believers understood that faith created responsibilities between them. Acts 2 describes people sharing meals and possessions, directing resources toward those who needed them. Their fellowship reached into the material conditions of their lives. The person with less was someone whose need mattered to the whole. That is the part we must recover. Because there are people among us who have learned to earn their place through usefulness. They organize, encourage, give, volunteer, and hold everything together. Everyone knows whom to call when something needs doing. Far fewer people know when that same person needs help. And there are people who cannot keep up that performance. Their resources are gone. Their bodies have limits. Their grief is inconvenient. They need to know whether there is still a place for them when they cannot carry their usual share. Community must be able to answer yes, and then give that yes a practical form. A meal. A ride. Someone willing to listen without turning pain into an assignment. A person who remembers the appointment and asks how it went. Enough trust to say, “I cannot manage this alone,” without wondering whether honesty will cost you your welcome. These ordinary acts teach us something about love: another person’s reality is allowed to change our plans. And that responsibility follows us into public life. Civic responsibility is one of the ways we decide whether our neighbors’ lives matter. A budget determines whether help exists. A policy determines who can receive it. A vote helps place power in hands that can protect people or make their lives harder. Under the Trump administration, the 2025 law expanded SNAP work requirements and removed specific exemptions for veterans, people experiencing homelessness, and certain young adults who had aged out of foster care. Other exemptions may still apply, but the direction deserves moral scrutiny. Behind those categories are people trying to eat. Source: Virginia Department of Social Services As a Christian, I believe we have a responsibility to ask what these decisions do to the neighbor. Who bears the burden? Who has to navigate another barrier while already struggling? What happens when a person needs help and the answer is another demand to prove they deserve it? The command to love does not end at the edge of a ballot. We cannot offer someone kindness at our table and stop caring about what happens to them beyond it. Our concern must follow them into the conditions that shape their days. Love of neighbor calls us to examine the power we support, the policies we excuse, and the suffering we have learned to discuss as though no actual person is enduring it. I have no interest in a Christianity that teaches us to sing about mercy while becoming comfortable with cruelty. Christ’s self-giving love for the church, described in Ephesians 5, gives us a picture of love that accepts a cost for the beloved’s good. His command in John 13 places that love among his followers: we are to love one another as he has loved us. That demands more than affection for people whose lives already fit comfortably beside ours. It asks us to make room. Room for the neighbor we do not understand. Room for the person whose needs will take longer than we hoped. Room for people who have been told, repeatedly, that the welcome will begin once they become someone else. Making that room also means sharing responsibility. A community cannot survive by exhausting its most generous people. Care needs enough hands that someone can rest. Receiving help must be as welcome as offering it. We need to be able to take turns being strong. So let this be an invitation to begin where you are. Think of someone whose life touches yours. Ask how they are, and leave enough time for an honest answer. Offer something you can actually sustain. Return when you said you would. If you have been carrying too much, let someone know what help would look like. Then carry that same attention into your civic life. Learn what a proposed policy would mean for the people affected. Contact the officials who represent you. Vote with your neighbor’s wellbeing in view. Support the work that makes care available, and challenge the decisions that make suffering easier to ignore. We do not have to wait until our own lives are perfect to participate in a shared one. We can begin with what we have, and we can begin by admitting what we need. Somewhere within reach of us, a person is wondering whether their life matters enough for anyone to show up. May our answer have hands. May it have time. May it have the courage to become public. And may we build a life together in which those who ask for care can find it, those who give care can receive it, and belonging becomes something we can trust. A shared life. God, teach us to live one. Get full access to The Table with Timothy Hundley at timothyhundley.substack.com/subscribe

  5. Aug 20

    King and Country

    I grew up around a Christianity that knew how to fight. We had armor. We had soldiers. We had battles and enemies and firing lines. We were taught to endure hardness like good soldiers, to fight the good fight of faith, to put on the whole armor of God and stand against the wiles of the devil. There was no shortage of martial language available to us, and culturally it did not take much for that spiritual vocabulary to bleed into something else. God and country sat comfortably beside one another. The cross and the flag could share a platform without anybody asking whether one of them was beginning to interpret the other. Patriotism could acquire the language of faith, and faith could acquire the instincts of patriotism, until defending Christianity and defending America began to sound suspiciously like the same assignment. I never quite understood it. Not because I had developed some sophisticated theology of empire as a child. I hadn’t. I could not have explained Christian nationalism, Constantinianism, or the political implications of the Kingdom of God if somebody had handed me a microphone and offered me twenty dollars. I was just a young Jesus freak in a Pentecostal and Southern Gospel world, surrounded by people who believed worship mattered enough to dress for it, sing like they meant it, pray like God might actually answer, and speak the name of Jesus as though the atmosphere itself could change when they did. And I loved a different song. There’s Something About That Name. Jesus, Jesus, Jesus. There was something about that Name. And tucked inside that little gospel song was a line that, looking back, may have told me more about my theology than I understood at the time: “Kings and kingdoms will all pass away, but…” But Jesus. That was the part. Kings pass away. Kingdoms pass away. Governments pass away. Empires pass away. Flags change. Borders move. Nations rise, fracture, conquer, surrender, expand, collapse, and eventually become chapters in somebody else’s history book. But Jesus remains. Once that gets into you, “king and country” can never mean quite what some people want it to mean. I can love a country without worshiping it. I can participate in its government without confusing that government with the Kingdom of God. I can care about my neighbors, vote, organize, serve, protest, advocate, build, and hope for the common good without pretending that the survival of the United States is somehow necessary for the survival of Christianity. Christianity does not need America. Jesus does not need America. The Kingdom of God was here before the Constitution was written, and it will be here when the United States is a subject for archaeologists. That should not be a controversial Christian statement. And yet here we are. There is a strain of American Christianity that seems almost incapable of imagining the faith apart from the nation. It speaks as though America occupies some privileged place in God’s redemptive history, as though protecting a particular political order is synonymous with defending the gospel, and as though losing cultural dominance would somehow constitute a defeat for Christ. But what kind of Christ needs cultural dominance to remain Lord? What kind of Kingdom is threatened by an election? What kind of gospel collapses when Christians no longer control the legislature? If our faith requires possession of the throne, I am not sure the throne we are defending belongs to Jesus. Jesus had opportunities to grasp political power. He refused them. When people wanted to make him king, he withdrew. When Satan offered him the kingdoms of the world, he declined the bargain. When his disciples reached for swords, he told them to put the weapons away. When Pilate confronted him with imperial power, Jesus did not beg Rome for legitimacy. “My kingdom is not from this world.” That does not mean his Kingdom is irrelevant to this world. Quite the opposite. It means no existing nation gets to claim ownership of it. The Kingdom of God enters this world like yeast, seed, salt, and light. It rearranges loyalties. It upends hierarchies. It calls the last first and tells the powerful that greatness looks like service. It identifies Christ with the hungry, the stranger, the sick, the prisoner, and the poor. It does not ask Caesar for permission to exist, and it certainly does not confuse Caesar with Jesus. That distinction matters because whenever Christians forget it, the gospel becomes remarkably easy to recruit. The cross becomes a campaign prop. The Bible becomes a justification for whatever hierarchy already benefits us. “Religious liberty” begins to mean our right to control other people’s lives. National power becomes evidence of divine favor. Political opponents become enemies of God. Before long, Christians who were commanded to wash feet are fighting over who gets to sit on the throne. This is where I return to that childhood song. Kings and kingdoms will pass away. Every one of them. Not merely the kingdoms we dislike. Not merely dictatorships and hostile governments and foreign empires. Ours too. The hymn does not leave an American exception hidden in the final verse. America will pass away. That sentence may sound offensive only because we have allowed patriotism to claim territory that belongs to theology. Christian hope has never been that one earthly nation will survive forever. Christian hope is resurrection. Christian hope is the reconciliation of all things in Christ. Christian hope is a city whose light is not provided by the sun because the glory of God illuminates it. Christian hope is a Kingdom in which death is defeated, tears are wiped away, and the nations themselves are healed. That is a considerably larger vision than preserving the political arrangement into which I happened to be born. And I think, somehow, I knew that before I knew how to say it. While somebody else was singing about keeping on the firing line, I kept returning to the Name. Jesus. Not America. Not empire. Not party. Not president. Jesus. Maybe that is why some forms of Christianity never fit me particularly well. I was being taught a faith of battle lines while quietly falling in love with a Christ who kept crossing them. They told me to identify the enemy; Jesus told me to love him. They told me to defend the righteous; Jesus kept sitting at tables with people the righteous had already condemned. They told me Christianity needed protecting; Jesus walked willingly toward a cross. And beneath all of it was that stubborn little theological refrain I had been singing since childhood: Kings and kingdoms will all pass away. But. That word may be the whole sermon. Empire has an expiration date. Power has an expiration date. Political parties have expiration dates. Nations have expiration dates. Every throne built by human hands eventually becomes empty. But Jesus. So when Christianity asks me to pledge myself to king and country, I have to ask which king. If you mean the temporary ones, my loyalty has limits. If you mean the kingdoms that build borders, raise armies, issue currency, win elections, and write constitutions, I can participate in them. I can even love them. But I will not confuse them with salvation. There is only one Kingdom I expect to survive history, and there is only one King whose throne does not depend upon our ability to keep him there. That would make for a comfortable ending if it were the whole story. It is not. Because there is another part of this story, and it would be dishonest to leave it out. I may have been the kid singing There’s Something About That Name while other people seemed more interested in spiritual warfare, but I also learned the warfare language. I learned it well. I knew how to stand my ground. I knew how to defend the faith. I knew how to identify error, expose compromise, recognize the enemy, and hold the line. Lord, I knew how to hold the line. And if I am going to criticize the Christianity that trained people to see the world as a battlefield, then I also have to admit that, for a while, I was a very good soldier. I was sincere. I was faithful. I wanted God. I believed I was defending truth. And sometimes I was a son of a b***h. There really is no elegant theological language required for that confession. I could explain the environment that formed me. I could talk about the churches I grew up in, the preaching I heard, the assumptions everybody around me seemed to share, the fear of deception, the obsession with doctrinal purity, and the terrifying possibility that getting something wrong about God might not merely make you mistaken but might make you damned. All of that matters. None of it turns cruelty into kindness. None of it makes the person on the receiving end hurt less. There are things I believed because they were handed to me before I was old enough to examine them. There are things I repeated because people I trusted told me they were true. There are things I defended because questioning them felt indistinguishable from questioning God. But eventually they came out of my mouth. Eventually they became my arguments. Eventually they became my certainty. And at that point, whatever their origin, they belonged to me too. That is the part of religious deconstruction I think we sometimes rush past. We become aware of the systems that formed us, and rightly so. We identify bad theology. We recognize manipulation. We trace ideas backward through churches, denominations, pastors, parents, political movements, and entire religious cultures. And sometimes, without meaning to, explanation becomes absolution. That was how I was raised. It was. That was what I was taught. It was. Everybody around me believed it. They did. But somebody else still had to live beneath the weight of what I believed. Someone else heard the judgment. Someone else watched me defend the boundary. Someone else may have wondered whether God loved them because pe

  6. Aug 18

    Separation of Church and Hate: The Bible Does Not Belong to the Bullies

    There are books I enjoy, books I recommend, and then there are books that make me want to grab people by the shoulders and say, “No, seriously. Read this.” John Fugelsang’s Separation of Church and Hate is one of those books. Five stars. Six, if they would let me. Fugelsang has managed to write something I have wanted to hand people for years: a funny, furious, remarkably well-informed response to the version of American Christianity that has spent decades insisting it owns the Bible while sometimes behaving as though it barely knows the Jesus standing at its center. And that distinction matters, because this is not a book arguing that Christianity is the problem. It is a book confronting what people have done with Christianity—particularly when Scripture becomes a weapon for exclusion, political power, cruelty, and culture-war grievance. Fugelsang’s response is wonderfully simple: fine. Let’s actually read the Bible. That may be my favorite thing about the book. He does not surrender Scripture to fundamentalists. He takes their arguments seriously enough to meet them on their own ground, and then demonstrates just how selective a supposedly “biblical” worldview can become. The verses supporting the conclusion are eternal truth. The verses complicating the conclusion suddenly require context. Commands placed upon other people are immutable, while inconvenient commands placed upon us somehow belong to another time. And Jesus gets quoted plenty, even while following him can become strangely optional. Fugelsang keeps bringing the conversation back to the deeply inconvenient Christ standing in the middle of all of it. Readers of The Table already know the question that immediately came to mind for me: Does this look like Jesus? What happens when Christianity produces contempt more reliably than compassion? What happens when Christians become better at identifying whom God supposedly despises than recognizing whom Christ commanded them to love? What happens when protecting Christian political power becomes more important than following the person Christians confess as Lord? At some point, we have to look at the fruit. That is one reason this book landed so well for me. Fugelsang is doing, in his own way, something I keep trying to do in my own writing: refusing to let people end a conversation merely by declaring something “biblical.” A Bible verse is not automatically an interpretation, and an interpretation is not automatically faithful simply because somebody says “the Bible says.” And thank God the book is funny, because the subject matter could become exhausting very quickly. Fugelsang is a comedian, and he knows exactly when an argument deserves careful engagement and when theological gymnastics simply deserve to be pointed at and laughed at. I laughed out loud more than once, but the humor never makes the underlying argument feel unserious. If anything, it makes the absurdities easier to see. This is not systematic theology, and I would not recommend reading it as though it were. It is something more accessible and probably more immediately useful: part biblical rebuttal, part cultural criticism, part field guide, and part very funny reminder that fundamentalists do not own Scripture. That last point may be the most important. The Bible does not belong to them. Jesus does not belong to Christian nationalists. Christianity does not belong to politicians, televangelists, culture-war grifters, or anyone else who has discovered that invoking God is a remarkably effective way to make personal politics sound eternal. They do not get exclusive custody. And those of us who remain stubbornly attached to Jesus are under no obligation to surrender him because somebody else has turned his name into branding. If you have ever watched cruelty wrapped in a Bible verse and thought, This cannot possibly be what Jesus meant, read this book. If you have ever been told there is only one “biblical” way to think about immigration, LGBTQ people, poverty, politics, or the people pushed to society’s margins, read this book. And if you have ever wanted to watch someone respond to biblical fundamentalism by essentially saying, “Oh, we’re using the Bible? Excellent,” and then proceed to bring receipts, definitely read this book. Five stars. Six out of five if anybody ever fixes the damn rating system. Get full access to The Table with Timothy Hundley at timothyhundley.substack.com/subscribe

  7. Aug 18

    Who Do You View as Dogs?

    There is a particular kind of revelation that occurs when the cruelty you ordered arrives at your own front door. Brent Jindra voted for Donald Trump three times. He called himself a MAGA patriot and was drawn specifically to Trump’s aggressive immigration agenda. He believed the country needed stricter enforcement. He believed Trump when he spoke of criminals crossing the border, invaders pouring into the nation, and dangerous people poisoning its blood . What Jindra apparently did not believe was that any of this could happen to his wife. Galina Bobreneva came to the United States from Russia on a tourist visa in 2021. After Russia invaded Ukraine, she extended her stay and applied for asylum. She later met Jindra, married him, and began the process of applying for a marriage-based green card. Her application had been accepted for processing. She had already been fingerprinted. Her attorney maintains that she was never unlawfully present in the country. Then, on July 13, she and her husband stepped off a domestic flight in Burbank, California. A casually dressed federal agent approached her and announced that she had been selected for secondary screening. Fifteen minutes later, she was in handcuffs. Her husband stood in the airport watching federal agents take his wife to an unmarked vehicle. He did not know where she was going. She was eventually transported to the Adelanto ICE Processing Center, where she remained for approximately two weeks. She described overcrowding, lights kept on around the clock, and treatment that made her feel “like a piece of meat, not like a human.” She was finally released after posting a $35,000 bond. She came home wearing an ankle monitor. Suddenly, Brent Jindra was frightened. “We are living in fear in my own country,” he said. Jindra insists this was not what he voted for. Trump’s campaign, as he understood it, was supposed to target illegal entries and dangerous criminals. His wife, he explained, “did not jump a wall” or “swim a river.” She came through what he called Trump’s “beautiful, big front door.” Apparently, she had not strapped on her water wings and bobbed across the Rio Grande. She had not dusted her hands with sidewalk chalk, scrambled over the border wall during an especially poorly supervised elementary-school field day, and arrived clutching a juice box and a participation ribbon. She had followed the rules. She had brought back her signed permission slip. She had entered through the proper door. Therefore, Jindra believed, the government should have recognized that she was not one of the dogs. And that is the problem. On the same Sunday that Jindra’s story appeared, churches following the Revised Common Lectionary heard the story of the Canaanite woman in Matthew 15. She is a foreigner who comes to Jesus because her daughter is suffering. She cries out for mercy, and at first she receives silence. When the disciples want her sent away, Jesus speaks of being sent to the lost sheep of Israel. When she kneels before him and asks again for help, he tells her that it is not fair to take the children’s food and throw it to the dogs. It is a difficult text. We should not sand down its edges in our haste to protect Jesus from what Jesus said. The woman is placed outside the household. The children have a table. She is beneath it. The bread belongs to them, and she is asked to understand herself as something less entitled to it. But she refuses to disappear. “Yes, Lord,” she answers, “yet even the dogs eat the crumbs that fall from their masters’ table.” She does not deny the insult. She exposes the poverty of the boundary. If there is enough mercy in the house, then mercy cannot be restricted to the children seated comfortably at the table. If he is truly Lord, even the crumbs beneath his table must contain enough liberation to heal her daughter. Writing on this same passage, theologian Brandan Robertson goes further than many interpreters are willing to go. He argues that Jesus is confronting an inherited prejudice of his own—that the Canaanite woman turns the insult against him, compels him to recognize her shared humanity, and changes not only what he thinks but what he does. Robertson calls that change repentance: the willingness to recognize the bias one has inherited and choose another course. Whether one accepts every part of that reading or not, it refuses the dishonest comfort of pretending that Jesus had already welcomed the woman before she challenged him. He had not. The movement in the text is unmistakable: she begins outside the circle of his stated mission, beneath the table and among the dogs; she persists; Jesus listens; and the boundary does not survive the encounter. “Woman, great is your faith,” Jesus tells her. “Let it be done for you as you wish.” Her daughter is healed. The sermon at Emmanuel asked the question plainly: Who do you view as dogs? That question followed me directly from the sanctuary into this story. Jindra still appears to be arguing that ICE seized the wrong immigrant. His defense of his wife depends upon separating her from the people he believes Trump was right to pursue. She did not scale the wall. She did not swim the river. She did not enter illegally. She is educated, married to an American citizen, engaged in the proper legal processes, and patiently waiting for the government to decide her future. She is not like those people. She is not one of the dogs. But the Gospel does not ask us to inspect Galina’s paperwork and determine whether she has earned a chair. It asks why we built a table that requires anyone to eat beneath it. That is the moral failure at the heart of Jindra’s astonishment. He did not object when Trump identified immigrants as invaders, criminals, animals, and contaminants. He did not recoil when human beings were reduced to a threatening mass against which the nation must defend itself. He voted for that political project three times because he believed its cruelty would remain properly classified. He trusted the government to distinguish between the immigrants whose families could be shattered and the immigrants whose families mattered. He did not believe there should be no dogs beneath the table. He believed his wife had the paperwork proving she belonged above it. That is why the easy “I told you so” is both satisfying and insufficient. Yes, we told him so. We said that the machinery would not remain neatly confined to the people he disliked. We said that mass-deportation campaigns do not become more humane merely because their supporters imagine a tidy line between good immigrants and bad ones. We said that due process would be treated as an inconvenience, that legal distinctions would be flattened into slogans, and that agents empowered to hunt human beings would not pause at every encounter to honor the private exemptions Trump’s voters had written into their heads. We said it plainly. We said it repeatedly. We were called hysterical. Now his wife has an ankle monitor. But Jindra is not the principal subject of this story. He is merely its most convenient punchline. His belated astonishment is the doorway into something much larger and much darker. The subject is the machinery itself. The machinery begins with inherited bias. Human communities have always drawn circles around themselves and named whatever stood outside those circles dangerous. We learn the categories before we understand them. We inherit the fears before we meet the people we have been taught to fear. We accept caricatures in the absence of proximity and call those caricatures common sense. Political demagogues do not need to invent that impulse. They need only identify it, flatter it, and give it official vocabulary. Trump has done precisely that. He has taught the public to see certain people not as neighbors but as infestations, not as families but as caravans, not as human beings seeking safety but as poison entering the national bloodstream. He has repeatedly created an enemy whose suffering can be interpreted as evidence that the government is finally doing its job. He did not accidentally inherit that language. He built his political identity around it. He descended the golden escalator speaking of Mexican immigrants as criminals and rapists. He expanded the vocabulary over years of rallies, speeches, interviews, and social-media posts. He made contempt entertaining. He made collective suspicion sound patriotic. He taught millions of Americans that cruelty becomes public safety when directed toward the correct population. Then the machinery moves from language into policy. Agents wait at airports for people with active immigration cases. Families are separated before anyone has time to understand what is happening. A woman with no criminal history is handcuffed, driven away in an unmarked vehicle, confined for weeks, and returned to her husband only after the family produces $35,000 and accepts an electronic shackle around her ankle. Then the machinery moves into explanation. The government tells the public that a pending application does not itself confer formal immigration status. Lawyers answer that the government’s description ignores the significance of lawful presence while an application is pending. Human complexity is pressed through administrative language until detention begins to sound like a clerical inevitability. Nobody claims responsibility. The agent followed procedure. The agency enforced the law. The department issued a statement. The president kept a promise. That last part matters. Trump did not betray the promise Brent Jindra voted for. He fulfilled it without honoring the imaginary exemption Jindra had written into the margins. Authoritarian machinery does not award good-behavior stickers. It manufactures dogs—and eventually it runs out of strangers. This is why the other appointed readings matter too. Isaiah imagines God gathering th

  8. Aug 16

    Unanswered Prayer, Certainty, and the Church

    The Church loves a testimony with an ending. We know what to do when someone stands before the congregation and tells us that the cancer is gone, the marriage was restored, the job came through, the debt was paid, the child came home, the addiction broke, or the prayer was finally answered. We know when to clap. We know when to shout. We know where the organ ought to come in. There is nothing wrong with any of that. The Church ought to celebrate healing. We ought to rejoice when the lost are found, when the hungry are fed, when chains fall off, when reconciliation comes, when doors open, when somebody who has spent years praying can finally stand up and say, “God did it.” But the Church has become much less practiced at knowing what to do with the person whose sentence does not yet have a period. What do we do with the person who prayed and is still praying? What do we do with the diagnosis that remains, the estrangement that has not healed, the grief that did not disappear after the funeral, the family that has not reconciled, the person who has faithfully asked God the same question for five, ten, twenty years and has received neither the answer they wanted nor an explanation for why it has not come? Those testimonies rarely make it to the microphone. We have made celebration communal and suffering private. Bring us the testimony once God has done something with it. Bring it back after the breakthrough. Tell us about the wilderness when you have reached Canaan. Tell us about the night after the sun has risen. Until then, we are often strangely unsure what to say. And perhaps that uncertainty would not be such a problem if Christians were more comfortable admitting that we are uncertain. Much of the modern Church, particularly within the evangelical world, has developed an extraordinary appetite for certainty. We want to know what God is doing. We want to know why God allowed it. We want to know what lesson is being taught, which door God closed, which window God opened, which season is beginning, which season is ending, what blessing is coming next, and exactly how the present disaster fits into a providential plot we expect to become obvious by the final chapter. Sometimes we seem almost incapable of allowing mystery to remain mystery. So when another person brings us an unresolved life, we rush to resolve it for them. God must be teaching you something. God has something better. Everything happens for a reason. This door closed because another one is going to open. You just have to trust the process. Your breakthrough is coming. Perhaps. But perhaps we should be much more careful about assigning motives to God that God has not disclosed. There is a kind of certainty-porn in modern Christianity: an almost compulsive need to make every mystery legible, every tragedy meaningful, every unanswered prayer temporary, and every winding human story fit neatly into a narrative we can explain. And this is not harmless. Certainty has victims. “God is teaching you something” sounds very different when it is spoken to the abused person. “Everything happens for a reason” lands differently beside a child’s grave. “Your breakthrough is coming” becomes cruel when someone has been promised it for years. “If you had enough faith” has wounded people far more deeply than some churches are willing to admit. When those explanations collapse, people are often left believing one of three things: God failed, they failed, or Christianity lied to them. That is not pastoral care. It is narrative control wearing religious language. And I increasingly wonder whether this obsession with certainty undermines the very faith we claim to be practicing. Faith is not the possession of an explanation. Faith is trust. If I know the entire plot, understand every motive, possess the timetable, and can see how every present sorrow produces the desired future outcome, I am not being asked to trust very much. I have a diagram. Christian faith has never promised us a diagram. What Christianity gives us instead is Christ. That distinction matters. The thing of which Christians can be most certain is not that we understand what God is doing. It is that we have seen what God is like. “For it is the God who said, ‘Let light shine out of darkness,’” Paul writes, “who has shone in our hearts to give the light of the knowledge of the glory of God in the face of Jesus Christ.” In the face of Jesus Christ. There is our center. There is our interpretive anchor. There is the place toward which the Church is supposed to look when everything else becomes difficult to understand. Strangely enough, an entire generation of Christians once wore this theology around our wrists. WWJD? What Would Jesus Do? It became a fashion. Bracelets. Bookmarks. T-shirts. Bible covers. Keychains. Christian bookstores were full of four little letters printed onto almost anything capable of holding ink. Eventually it became so ubiquitous that it became kitsch. And perhaps because it became kitsch, we stopped noticing the truth hiding in plain sight: look toward Jesus. Not merely in the flattened moralistic sense in which the question was sometimes used—Would Jesus watch this movie? Would Jesus listen to this song? Would Jesus go to this party?—but in the far more important Christological sense: What does Jesus reveal to us about God? What does divine compassion look like? Look at Jesus. What does holiness look like? Look at Jesus. How does God respond to the rejected? Look at Jesus. How does God behave around the suffering? Look at Jesus. How does God confront religious systems that have mistaken certainty for righteousness? Look at Jesus. What does love look like when it puts on flesh? Look at Jesus. Again and again, the Gospels place Jesus among people whose lives are unresolved. He encounters the sick before they know whether healing will come. He touches people whom religious society has already categorized. He sits with outsiders. He feeds hungry people before interrogating their theology. He refuses simplistic explanations for suffering. When his disciples encounter a man blind from birth and immediately ask whose sin caused the condition—his own or his parents’—Jesus refuses the premise. They want an explanation. Jesus turns toward the man. That difference should trouble us, because the Church still has a habit of standing beside suffering people and asking questions that allow us to preserve our system. Why did this happen? What did they do? What is God trying to teach them? What spiritual principle explains this? Jesus repeatedly seems less interested in protecting the explanatory system than in attending to the human being standing in front of him. And then there is Bethany. Lazarus is dead. Mary is grieving. Martha is grieving. The house is full of mourners. And Jesus knows something they do not know. He knows resurrection is coming. If anyone in that scene has the right to say, “Do not worry; I know how this ends,” it is Jesus. And yet he weeps. That may be one of the most important pastoral lessons the Church has never quite learned. Even when Jesus knows the resolution, he does not use the resolution to invalidate the sorrow of the unresolved moment. He does not rebuke the mourners for crying because resurrection is only a few verses away. He enters their grief. He stands beside a tomb. And he weeps. What would happen if the Church learned to do the same? What if someone could stand among us and say, “I have prayed, and I do not have an answer,” without immediately being handed an explanation? What if they could say, “I still believe, but I am tired,” without being treated as spiritually deficient? What if lament were allowed to remain lament long enough for someone else to sit down beside it? What if we stopped treating unresolved testimony as incomplete Christianity? Scripture certainly does not. The Bible is full of people speaking to God before resolution. “How long, O Lord?” “I remain childless.” “Why have you forgotten me?” “Why do you hide your face?” “My God, my God, why have you forsaken me?” These are not lines spoken outside the life of faith. They are Scripture. The canon itself preserves questions God apparently considered holy enough not to erase. Sometimes biblical faith sounds less like confident explanation and more like stubborn address. The psalmist does not understand God and keeps talking to God anyway. Job does not understand God and keeps demanding that God answer him. The prophets do not understand what God is doing and keep crying out. Jesus himself places the language of abandonment on his lips from the cross. Faith, then, cannot simply mean knowing why. Sometimes faith means refusing to stop speaking to God when we do not know why. Sometimes testimony is not, “God answered me.” Sometimes testimony is simply this: I am still here. I am still praying. I still do not understand. And yet I am still addressing God. The word “yet” belongs in the Church, not because “yet” guarantees that tomorrow will bring the particular answer we desire. Christianity does not give us permission to promise outcomes God has not promised. “Yet” matters because the entire Church lives inside an unfinished sentence. Christ has died. Christ is risen. Christ will come again. Will come. Christianity itself lives between declaration and completion. We proclaim resurrection while still burying our dead. We proclaim the Kingdom while still praying, “Thy kingdom come.” We preach reconciliation while nations rage. We preach justice while the oppressed still cry out. We preach that Christ has defeated death while standing at gravesides and committing bodies to the earth. Paul says creation groans, and the Church groans with it. We are an already-and-not-yet people. So why are we so uncomfortable with Christians whose lives bear the same grammar? And if we are an already-and-not-yet p

About

The Table brings Timothy Hundley’s spoken essays on faith, queer life, spiritual harm, justice, and the question beneath them all: Does this look like Jesus? It is grace for every soul still reaching for God through the rubble—and an invitation to pull out another chair. timothyhundley.substack.com