Rights in Russia

Rights in Russia

Discussing human rights in Russia [in Russian and sometimes English].

  1. Podcast Then & Now #41: Teresa Cherfas in conversation with Ksenia Luchenko

    May 14

    Podcast Then & Now #41: Teresa Cherfas in conversation with Ksenia Luchenko

    8 May 2026 by Teresa Cherfas Welcome to the 41st edition of the Russian-language podcast Then & Now with me, Teresa Cherfas.  Ksenia Luchenko (pictured above) is the author of the book Благими Намерениями – Русская Церковь и Власть от Горбачева до Путина [‘With Good Intentions: The Russian Church and State from Gorbachev to Putin’] for which she received the ‘Prosvetitel’ award (Enlightener Prize) in 2025. That same year, her name was added to the list of ‘foreign agents’ and, in March this year, she was sentenced in absentia in the Russian Federation to eight years’ imprisonment under the ‘military fakes’ law. Ksenia left Russia in April 2022. Prior to this, she had worked extensively as a journalist and scholar in the field of church affairs and media. This podcast was recorded on 7 May 2026 Questions:What prompted you to leave Russia so soon after the full-scale invasion of Ukraine?Your book With Good Intentions was published last year. Why did you choose that title?In 2014, the annexation of Crimea took place, and shortly afterwards, the so-called separatist war in the Donbas region of Ukraine began. Did this mark a turning-point in relations between the Orthodox Church and Putin’s Kremlin, a turn that led to the ‘road to hell’?In the summer of 2021, Putin wrote a lengthy treatise on his interpretation of Russian history and the place of the ‘Russian world’ in contemporary politics.. Could you comment on the role of the Russian Orthodox Church in shaping his worldview?The Russian Orthodox Church is currently one of the main ideologues of the war with Ukraine, calling the war a holy war and glorifying death on the battlefield. In this context, what is a ‘holy war’ and what are the criteria for defining it?And what about relations between the Russian Orthodox Church and the Ukrainian Orthodox Church?An important event during Gorbachev’s policies of glasnost and perestroika was the celebration of the millennium of the Russian Orthodox Church in 1988. In hindsight, does it seem surprising that it was celebrated so widely in a country that was still atheist – the USSR?Patriarch Aleksy, who led the Russian Orthodox Church during that period, was succeeded by Kirill, who became patriarch in 2009. How did their characters differ? What role did this play in the Church’s subsequent relations with the state?It is said that the only institutions that did not undergo reform following the collapse of the Soviet Union were the Russian Orthodox Church and the KGB. Is this true?Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, did the Russian people welcome the revival of the Russian Orthodox Church? And to what extent has the revival of the Orthodox Church been related to the development of Russian nationalism?For several years now, under Putin’s leadership, Russia seems to want to be seen as a bastion of so-called “traditional values.” These values have been enshrined in laws criminalising homosexuality and declaring the ‘dissemination of LGBT propaganda’ a criminal offence. What is the role of the Russian Orthodox Church in this legislation? How is its role in this sphere evolving today in connection with the war in Ukraine?Today, Putin’s “holy war” against Ukraine seems to have been a precursor to the ‘holy wars’ of other global leaders – this is how Israel’s wars in Gaza and Lebanon are justified, this is how President Trump presents his war against Iran, and this is the case with the jihads of the Ayatollah and Hamas. Does this surprise you in the 21st century?Pope Leo XIV sharply criticised President Trump for his bombing of the civilian population in Iran, citing the Bible and God’s commandments. How did the Russian Orthodox Church react?– And Putin?Are there dissidents among Russian Orthodox priests? And if so, what is the situation with them?

    52 min
  2. Feb 27

    RiR Interview: Prosecuting Russian war crimes - with Bill Bowring and Steve Crawshaw

    This month Mary Page’s guests to discuss Russia’s ongoing invasion of Ukraine, and in particular the issue of prosecuting for war crimes and other human rights abuses committed by Russia in Ukraine, are both from the UK: the academic and human rights lawyer Bill Bowring (pictured left) and Steve Crawshaw, journalist, author and human rights activist (pictured right). Mary’s Guests Emeritus Professor Bill Bowring is an academic since 1990 and practising barrister since 1976 who has since 2006 taught human rights and international law at Birkbeck College, University of London. Bill was a Trustee of the Redress Trust, working for reparation for torture survivors, which led the Victims Coalition in the drafting of the 1998 Rome Statute for the International Criminal Court. Bill worked with the Redress Legal Officer Fiona McKay who drafted the provisions for victims in the Rome Statute. Fiona went on to become Chief of the Victims Participation and Reparations Section at the ICC, from August 2004 till December 2015, 11 years. She now serves with Bill as a Trustee of Lawyers for Palestinian Human Rights, taking a keen interest in prosecution of individuals suspected of war crimes in the conflict in the Occupied Palestinian Territories. With Colonel Reverend Nicholas Mercer, the senior Army Lawyer in Iraq who blew the whistle on British war crimes and resigned, Fiona has participated in teaching Bill’s course at Birkbeck on International Criminal Justice. Steve Crawshaw is a former UK director and UN advocacy director at Human Rights Watch and has also worked previously as Russia and east Europe editor, and chief foreign correspondent, at The Independent newspaper. He has also held senior roles at Amnesty International and Freedom from Torture. His latest book, Prosecuting the Powerful: War Crimes and the Battle for Justice, was shortlisted for the Moore Prize for Human Rights Writing. Steve travelled four times to Ukraine while writing the book, as well as to Israel/West Bank and post-Assad Syria. His reporting as a journalist on Russia formed the background to Goodbye to the USSR (1992). Steve’s other books include Easier Fatherland: Germany and the Twenty-First Century (2004) and two books on creative protest: Small Acts of Resistance (with John Jackson, foreword by Václav Havel, 2010) and Street Spirit: The Power of Protest and Mischief (foreword by Ai Weiwei, 2017). This discussion was recorded on 26 February 2026 Mary’s questions: 1) Great efforts are being put into documenting war crimes and other human rights abuses committed by Russia during its war on Ukraine. What are the chances for prosecuting Russian actors? 2) As you know, peace negotiations (such as they are) have primarily been between the US and Russia, and only more recently also involving Ukraine. How do you see these negotiations? 3) How do you see the role and effectiveness of civil society organisations in today’s climate – on the international level human rights NGOs such as, for example, Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, and more local groups such as the Centre for Civil Liberties, the ZMINA Human Rights Centre or the Crimean Human Rights Group in Ukraine? 4) Finally, what is your prognosis for the future of human rights at this point in the 21st century?

    51 min
  3. Feb 13

    Podcast Then & Now #39 - Teresa Cherfas in conversation with Dmitry Oreshkin

    Welcome to the 39th edition of the Russian-language podcast Then & Now with me, Teresa Cherfas. Among the first guests on the podcast was Dmitry Oreshkin, the well-known political scientist. At that time we talked with him about the significance for Russia of that fateful day – 24 February – when Putin launched his war of aggression against the sovereign state of Ukraine. Today, on the eve of the fourth anniversary of the invasion of Ukraine, we have invited Dmitry Borisovich on to the podcast again, this time to comment on the progress of Putin’s war and to talk about the current state of Russia against the backdrop of a rapidly changing world and shift in global politics. A geographer by education, Oreshkin has extensive experience as a professional observer of the political, economic and social life of Russia today. This podcast was recorded on 12 February 2026 My Questions1. A report published last month by the think tank Centre for Strategic and International Studies claimed that since February 2022, Russian troops have suffered nearly 1.2 million casualties, more than any major power in any war since World War II. What do Russians still in Russia think about how the war is going? 2. How is the war affecting people’s daily lives? 3. When Donald Trump ran for president of the United States, he promised to conclude a peace deal between Russia and Ukraine within 24 hours. A year later, how do you assess Trump’s efforts to reach a peace agreement? 4. The well-known Ukrainian Nobel Peace Prize laureate Oleksandra Matviichuk recently asked a question on social media: “ Why has Trump’s year of negotiations been the deadliest for civilians in Ukraine since the full-scale invasion? The number of deaths and injuries has increased by 31 percent compared to the previous year. Why did Putin not allow himself such brutal strikes on civilian infrastructure under Biden, whom Trump calls ‘weak,’ but totally destroys peaceful cities and disregards the ‘strong Trump’?” How would you answer her? 5. The same think tank I mentioned earlier ranks Russia as a second or third world country in terms of its economy. Can Putin continue the war indefinitely without fear that the economic consequences will be devastating for Russia? 6. Trump’s indecisiveness regarding Ukraine contrasts sharply with the US operation to capture Venezuelan President Maduro a few weeks ago. How do you think Putin and the Kremlin perceived Trump’s boldness regarding Venezuela? 7. This was followed by Trump’s demand to incorporate Greenland into the US. How did the Kremlin react to Trump’s declamatory speech in Davos and his subsequent climb-down when he saw the strength of opposition to his plan? 8. Many believe Trump is not interested in helping Ukraine and thinks this conflict is a problem that America’s European allies should resolve. What would that mean for Ukraine? 9. If Europe does not unite decisively to defend Ukraine, will Putin continue, say, with an attack on the Baltic states? 10. The real rival of the United States today is, of course, China. How would you describe Putin’s relationship with President Xi Jinping? Do Putin’s nuclear weapons compensate for Russia’s economic weakness in its own relations with China? 11. Many people are talking about the collapse of the rules-based old world order. Do you agree with this interpretation? How do you think the situation will develop over the next few years? How will this affect Putin’s future actions?

    1h 6m
  4. Jan 21

    Podcast Then & Now #38 - Teresa Cherfas in conversation with Mikhail Fishman

    19 January 2026by Teresa Cherfas Welcome to the 38th edition of our Russian-language podcast Then & Now with me, Teresa Cherfas.  My guest today, Mikhail Fishman, is known to viewers of the independent television channel TV Rain as the host of his own weekly political programme, I Tak Dalee [‘And So On’]. Since the late 1990s, he has served as editor-in-chief of the Russian edition of Newsweek and also worked for The Moscow Times, where he covered the turbulent political developments of the newly created Russian Federation. In 2022, his book Preemnik [The Successor] about the life and times of Boris Nemtsov was published in Russia. The book became a bestseller. Fishman was motivated to write his book after collaborating with documentary film-maker, Vera Krichevskaya, on her 2016 film about Boris Nemtsov, The Man Who Was Too Free. Four years on, it has now been published in English translation under the title The Successor. Mikhail Fishman is with me today to talk about his book.  This podcast was recorded on 19 January 2026. My questionsFirst of all, congratulations on the publication of The Successor in English. Rereading the book in preparation for its English-language publication, how did it strike you after everything that has happened in the seemingly short time between the Russian and English editions? Did you have to rewrite parts of the text to reflect the new realities?Although the book is about Boris Nemtsov, it is in many ways more like a chronicle of democratic changes that took place in Russia – and their complete collapse. In your opinion, what were the most dangerous threats to Russia’s democratic transformation during Yeltsin’s time?How do you assess the events of autumn 1993, when dissident deputies holed up in the White House and government soldiers fired at the building?To what extent did Yeltsin’s character influence the implementation of democratic reforms in the 1990s? When was this most evident?Your book is called The Successor. Why did you choose this title, given that it refers to such a short period of Nemtsov’s political career? Do you think Nemtsov could have become president of Russia?On the eve of the 21st century, Yeltsin appointed Putin as his ‘successor’. Do you remember your own reaction when you first heard this news?Relatively recently, Putin began to describe the Yeltsin era as the ‘wild 90s’, a time of poverty, humiliation and corruption for Russians. You were already working as a journalist and covering the main political events in Russia. How do you feel about this description of the Yeltsin era? How did you experience the impact yourself of what is described in the book as an existential crisis for Russia?Tell us about Nemtsov’s role in the opposition to Putin. Did he have moral authority in the eyes of Russian society?Did Nemtsov’s relationship with Ukraine have any special significance? Why did Ukraine in his view become a litmus test for the fate of Russia, not to mention for Ukraine itself?The book states that ‘in Russia, the democratic experiment ended with Nemtsov’s murder in February 2015’. But in reality, it happened much earlier, didn’t it?What do you think was the main reason for Nemtsov’s murder?Aleksei Navalny also appears in the book. He and Nemtsov were acquainted, but Navalny was a generation younger. How would you describe them, as political figures, as leaders of the opposition?In the book, you write that when Navalny was preparing to return to Russia, he did not take into account Putin’s intentions to invade Ukraine. Were Putin’s intentions regarding Ukraine already known in January 2021?We will soon be marking the fourth anniversary of the Russian army’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. How do you remember that first day of the war?You wrote that on that day Russia became a full-fledged dictatorship.  What had changed? Was it only then possible to describe the political regime in Russia in this way?The American poet Robert Frost wrote a poem called ‘The Road Not Taken’ about how an individual’s life could have taken a completely different turn, had they chosen a different path when the choice confronted them. Do you think that Russia had a ‘road not taken’?

    44 min
  5. 12/04/2025

    Podcast Then & Now #37: Teresa Cherfas in conversation with Maria Alekhina and Olga Borisova

    3 December 2025 by Teresa Cherfas Welcome to the 37th edition of our Russian-language podcast Then & Now with me, Teresa Cherfas. Maria Alekhina, is a founding member of the P***y Riot art collective. P***y Riot’s performance, in February 2012, when they sang their Punk Prayer in the Cathedral of Christ the Saviour in Moscow, led to the arrest of three of them, including Alekhina herself.  They were sentenced to two years in a penal colony. Olga Borisova, is also a member of P***y Riot, but joined much later.  Political Girl:Life and Fate in Russia is Maria Alekhina’s account of the years since her release in 2014 up until she left Russia shortly after the invasion of Ukraine.  Olga Borisova helped in the writing of it.  Their book was recently published in English translation in the United Kingdom.  We are indebted to Emily Eccles, the translator of Political Girl, for facilitating this podcast with Maria and Olga. This podcast was recorded on 30 November 2025. Photo credit: P***y Riot. Teresa's Questions: How did you become a “Political Girl”? Were you born a “political girl,” or did life make you one?Olga, what about you? Tell us about your path to P***y Riot. (How did you become friends with Masha?)Masha, is it true that you and your two other P***y Riot offenders were the first political prisoners in Putin’s Russia? Was it a shock for you to be arrested and sentenced?Why is feminism such an important element of P***y Riot’s philosophy? And why is it so threatening to an authoritarian regime? (Feminism is a ‘mortal sin,’ according to the judge at your trial.)Masha, you wrote that when you were released from prison a couple of months early, thanks to Putin’s amnesty before the Olympic Games in Sochi, you found yourself in a different country. Please explain.Tell us about your performance in Sochi with other members of P***y Riot, very soon after your release. Masha, you travelled to Kyiv to show solidarity with the Maidan protesters in 2014. How do you explain the difference between Ukrainians and Russians — why is it that Russians seem more passive and don’t protest en masse?Your book describes the constant surveillance, humiliation, persecution, and repression that accompanied you everywhere and always. Where did you find the strength to continue resisting the authorities?Do revolutionaries have special qualities? Would you describe yourself as a ‘revolutionary’, Masha? What about you, Olya?What is it that motivates you and makes you willing to sacrifice so much for? I hadn’t realised that P***y Riot created Mediazona, an independent media outlet. How does it differ from other independent media outlets? What is its mission?You have often said that Putin’s third term as president was a point of no return for Russia. How did this happen, in your view?Your book is in English and seems to be written for a Western readership. What are the main things you wanted to convey or communicate to the West? The book has an entire chapter about the seemingly endless cycle of arrests and detentions you experienced. (You found both “good” and “bad” people among those who guarded you.) You have said that the whole of Russia can be found in these detention centres. What did you mean by that?When did you realize that there would be a full-scale war with Ukraine? Tell us about your thoughts in February 2022. How did you decide whether to stay or leave?It has been more than three years since you arrived in the West. How do you perceive the actions of Western countries towards Russia?And how do you see their actions to defend their own democracy?Do you believe in change in Russia? What kind of change?Exactly ten years after your performance of the “Punk Prayer” in the Cathedral of Christ the Saviour in Moscow, Putin announced the ‘special military operation’ in Ukraine. It seems that the P***y Riot affair became a marker of what could be expected from Putin’s Russia: first there was the illegal annexation of Crimea, then increasingly harsh punitive measure against any dissent from the regime, and finally the full-scale war against Ukraine. What does it feel like to be a historical figure?

    50 min
  6. Podcast Then & Now #36: Teresa Cherfas in conversation with Manon Loizeau and Ekaterina Mamontova

    10/31/2025

    Podcast Then & Now #36: Teresa Cherfas in conversation with Manon Loizeau and Ekaterina Mamontova

    Not long ago, the documentary film « Politzek » was premiered on French television. It was made by two women – one French and one Russian – and is dedicated to political prisoners in Putin’s Russia. Manon Loizeau is an experienced documentary filmmaker who has filmed in Grozny during the Second Chechen War, in Beslan, Belarus, Syria, Georgia in 2008, and other hot spots. Ekaterina Mamontova was born and raised in Moscow. In 2015, she graduated from VGIK, the most prestigious film school in Russia. For the past three years, she has been collaborating with independent Russian and foreign media outlets, shooting short documentary projects for them. Yesterday we caught up with Manon and Katya in a café in Paris to talk about how they managed to make such a film in Russia today under Putin, about their collaboration, and about their film « Politzek ». [You can watch Manon and Katya discussing the film on the French channel TV5Monde here.] This podcast was recorded on 30 October 2025. QuestionsManon, let’s start with you—is this a very significant film for you? After all, in your voiceover at the beginning of the film you say: “Russia is my beloved country, the country I chose when I was 20 years old…” In what sense did you “choose Russia”? To what end?Tell us about the process of making the film. What was it like?I understand that meeting Katya was key. Tell us about your first meeting.What did you want to show the viewer or convey to them about the situation in modern Russia?The film says that it was important for you, Katya, to bear witness to what happened in Russia. How did you understand this for yourself?Katya, were there any moments in your professional or personal life that inspired you in your choice of career?Manon, what tasks did you set for Katya? Were they achievable?What did you think, Katya? How did you react?What measures did you take to keep Katya safe?Tell us about your collaboration, how did you work together remotely?Tell us briefly about the people are showcased in the film. What guided you in your choice? Did you already know some of them?Katya, did you use your phone to film or a proper film camera?How did that work, given that there was a risk of the video being confiscated or something even worse? Were there moments when you were afraid?Katya, at one point in the film you suggest filming a group, set up by some of your friends, who are writing letters to political prisoners. Tell us how that happened. It’s amazing that they continue to meet to write letters to prisoners to this day. Or has something changed?What kind of feedback did you get about the film?Manon, at the beginning of the film, you mention the horrifying number of political prisoners in Russia today. In the credits, you write that the film is dedicated to Belarusian political prisoners and Ukrainians in Russian prisons. The credits are accompanied by photos of many people, political prisoners who are still serving time for their political views. Were there any people you wanted to talk about but couldn’t reach?What are your plans for the future? Both for yourself and for the film? Manon? Katya?

    29 min

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Discussing human rights in Russia [in Russian and sometimes English].