Rights in Russia

Rights in Russia
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Discussing human rights in Russia [in Russian and sometimes English].

  1. FEB 27

    RiR Interview: Prosecuting Russian war crimes - with Bill Bowring and Steve Crawshaw

    This month Mary Page’s guests to discuss Russia’s ongoing invasion of Ukraine, and in particular the issue of prosecuting for war crimes and other human rights abuses committed by Russia in Ukraine, are both from the UK: the academic and human rights lawyer Bill Bowring (pictured left) and Steve Crawshaw, journalist, author and human rights activist (pictured right). Mary’s Guests Emeritus Professor Bill Bowring is an academic since 1990 and practising barrister since 1976 who has since 2006 taught human rights and international law at Birkbeck College, University of London. Bill was a Trustee of the Redress Trust, working for reparation for torture survivors, which led the Victims Coalition in the drafting of the 1998 Rome Statute for the International Criminal Court. Bill worked with the Redress Legal Officer Fiona McKay who drafted the provisions for victims in the Rome Statute. Fiona went on to become Chief of the Victims Participation and Reparations Section at the ICC, from August 2004 till December 2015, 11 years. She now serves with Bill as a Trustee of Lawyers for Palestinian Human Rights, taking a keen interest in prosecution of individuals suspected of war crimes in the conflict in the Occupied Palestinian Territories. With Colonel Reverend Nicholas Mercer, the senior Army Lawyer in Iraq who blew the whistle on British war crimes and resigned, Fiona has participated in teaching Bill’s course at Birkbeck on International Criminal Justice. Steve Crawshaw is a former UK director and UN advocacy director at Human Rights Watch and has also worked previously as Russia and east Europe editor, and chief foreign correspondent, at The Independent newspaper. He has also held senior roles at Amnesty International and Freedom from Torture. His latest book, Prosecuting the Powerful: War Crimes and the Battle for Justice, was shortlisted for the Moore Prize for Human Rights Writing. Steve travelled four times to Ukraine while writing the book, as well as to Israel/West Bank and post-Assad Syria. His reporting as a journalist on Russia formed the background to Goodbye to the USSR (1992). Steve’s other books include Easier Fatherland: Germany and the Twenty-First Century (2004) and two books on creative protest: Small Acts of Resistance (with John Jackson, foreword by Václav Havel, 2010) and Street Spirit: The Power of Protest and Mischief (foreword by Ai Weiwei, 2017). This discussion was recorded on 26 February 2026 Mary’s questions: 1) Great efforts are being put into documenting war crimes and other human rights abuses committed by Russia during its war on Ukraine. What are the chances for prosecuting Russian actors? 2) As you know, peace negotiations (such as they are) have primarily been between the US and Russia, and only more recently also involving Ukraine. How do you see these negotiations? 3) How do you see the role and effectiveness of civil society organisations in today’s climate – on the international level human rights NGOs such as, for example, Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, and more local groups such as the Centre for Civil Liberties, the ZMINA Human Rights Centre or the Crimean Human Rights Group in Ukraine? 4) Finally, what is your prognosis for the future of human rights at this point in the 21st century?

    51 min

  2. FEB 13

    Podcast Then & Now #39 - Teresa Cherfas in conversation with Dmitry Oreshkin

    Welcome to the 39th edition of the Russian-language podcast Then & Now with me, Teresa Cherfas. Among the first guests on the podcast was Dmitry Oreshkin, the well-known political scientist. At that time we talked with him about the significance for Russia of that fateful day – 24 February – when Putin launched his war of aggression against the sovereign state of Ukraine. Today, on the eve of the fourth anniversary of the invasion of Ukraine, we have invited Dmitry Borisovich on to the podcast again, this time to comment on the progress of Putin’s war and to talk about the current state of Russia against the backdrop of a rapidly changing world and shift in global politics. A geographer by education, Oreshkin has extensive experience as a professional observer of the political, economic and social life of Russia today. This podcast was recorded on 12 February 2026 My Questions1. A report published last month by the think tank Centre for Strategic and International Studies claimed that since February 2022, Russian troops have suffered nearly 1.2 million casualties, more than any major power in any war since World War II. What do Russians still in Russia think about how the war is going? 2. How is the war affecting people’s daily lives? 3. When Donald Trump ran for president of the United States, he promised to conclude a peace deal between Russia and Ukraine within 24 hours. A year later, how do you assess Trump’s efforts to reach a peace agreement? 4. The well-known Ukrainian Nobel Peace Prize laureate Oleksandra Matviichuk recently asked a question on social media: “ Why has Trump’s year of negotiations been the deadliest for civilians in Ukraine since the full-scale invasion? The number of deaths and injuries has increased by 31 percent compared to the previous year. Why did Putin not allow himself such brutal strikes on civilian infrastructure under Biden, whom Trump calls ‘weak,’ but totally destroys peaceful cities and disregards the ‘strong Trump’?” How would you answer her? 5. The same think tank I mentioned earlier ranks Russia as a second or third world country in terms of its economy. Can Putin continue the war indefinitely without fear that the economic consequences will be devastating for Russia? 6. Trump’s indecisiveness regarding Ukraine contrasts sharply with the US operation to capture Venezuelan President Maduro a few weeks ago. How do you think Putin and the Kremlin perceived Trump’s boldness regarding Venezuela? 7. This was followed by Trump’s demand to incorporate Greenland into the US. How did the Kremlin react to Trump’s declamatory speech in Davos and his subsequent climb-down when he saw the strength of opposition to his plan? 8. Many believe Trump is not interested in helping Ukraine and thinks this conflict is a problem that America’s European allies should resolve. What would that mean for Ukraine? 9. If Europe does not unite decisively to defend Ukraine, will Putin continue, say, with an attack on the Baltic states? 10. The real rival of the United States today is, of course, China. How would you describe Putin’s relationship with President Xi Jinping? Do Putin’s nuclear weapons compensate for Russia’s economic weakness in its own relations with China? 11. Many people are talking about the collapse of the rules-based old world order. Do you agree with this interpretation? How do you think the situation will develop over the next few years? How will this affect Putin’s future actions?

    1h 6m

  3. JAN 21

    Podcast Then & Now #38 - Teresa Cherfas in conversation with Mikhail Fishman

    19 January 2026by Teresa Cherfas Welcome to the 38th edition of our Russian-language podcast Then & Now with me, Teresa Cherfas.  My guest today, Mikhail Fishman, is known to viewers of the independent television channel TV Rain as the host of his own weekly political programme, I Tak Dalee [‘And So On’]. Since the late 1990s, he has served as editor-in-chief of the Russian edition of Newsweek and also worked for The Moscow Times, where he covered the turbulent political developments of the newly created Russian Federation. In 2022, his book Preemnik [The Successor] about the life and times of Boris Nemtsov was published in Russia. The book became a bestseller. Fishman was motivated to write his book after collaborating with documentary film-maker, Vera Krichevskaya, on her 2016 film about Boris Nemtsov, The Man Who Was Too Free. Four years on, it has now been published in English translation under the title The Successor. Mikhail Fishman is with me today to talk about his book.  This podcast was recorded on 19 January 2026. My questionsFirst of all, congratulations on the publication of The Successor in English. Rereading the book in preparation for its English-language publication, how did it strike you after everything that has happened in the seemingly short time between the Russian and English editions? Did you have to rewrite parts of the text to reflect the new realities?Although the book is about Boris Nemtsov, it is in many ways more like a chronicle of democratic changes that took place in Russia – and their complete collapse. In your opinion, what were the most dangerous threats to Russia’s democratic transformation during Yeltsin’s time?How do you assess the events of autumn 1993, when dissident deputies holed up in the White House and government soldiers fired at the building?To what extent did Yeltsin’s character influence the implementation of democratic reforms in the 1990s? When was this most evident?Your book is called The Successor. Why did you choose this title, given that it refers to such a short period of Nemtsov’s political career? Do you think Nemtsov could have become president of Russia?On the eve of the 21st century, Yeltsin appointed Putin as his ‘successor’. Do you remember your own reaction when you first heard this news?Relatively recently, Putin began to describe the Yeltsin era as the ‘wild 90s’, a time of poverty, humiliation and corruption for Russians. You were already working as a journalist and covering the main political events in Russia. How do you feel about this description of the Yeltsin era? How did you experience the impact yourself of what is described in the book as an existential crisis for Russia?Tell us about Nemtsov’s role in the opposition to Putin. Did he have moral authority in the eyes of Russian society?Did Nemtsov’s relationship with Ukraine have any special significance? Why did Ukraine in his view become a litmus test for the fate of Russia, not to mention for Ukraine itself?The book states that ‘in Russia, the democratic experiment ended with Nemtsov’s murder in February 2015’. But in reality, it happened much earlier, didn’t it?What do you think was the main reason for Nemtsov’s murder?Aleksei Navalny also appears in the book. He and Nemtsov were acquainted, but Navalny was a generation younger. How would you describe them, as political figures, as leaders of the opposition?In the book, you write that when Navalny was preparing to return to Russia, he did not take into account Putin’s intentions to invade Ukraine. Were Putin’s intentions regarding Ukraine already known in January 2021?We will soon be marking the fourth anniversary of the Russian army’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. How do you remember that first day of the war?You wrote that on that day Russia became a full-fledged dictatorship.  What had changed? Was it only then possible to describe the political regime in Russia in this way?The American poet Robert Frost wrote a poem called ‘The Road Not Taken’ about how an individual’s life could have taken a completely different turn, had they chosen a different path when the choice confronted them. Do you think that Russia had a ‘road not taken’?

    44 min

  4. 12/04/2025

    Podcast Then & Now #37: Teresa Cherfas in conversation with Maria Alekhina and Olga Borisova

    3 December 2025 by Teresa Cherfas Welcome to the 37th edition of our Russian-language podcast Then & Now with me, Teresa Cherfas. Maria Alekhina, is a founding member of the P***y Riot art collective. P***y Riot’s performance, in February 2012, when they sang their Punk Prayer in the Cathedral of Christ the Saviour in Moscow, led to the arrest of three of them, including Alekhina herself.  They were sentenced to two years in a penal colony. Olga Borisova, is also a member of P***y Riot, but joined much later.  Political Girl:Life and Fate in Russia is Maria Alekhina’s account of the years since her release in 2014 up until she left Russia shortly after the invasion of Ukraine.  Olga Borisova helped in the writing of it.  Their book was recently published in English translation in the United Kingdom.  We are indebted to Emily Eccles, the translator of Political Girl, for facilitating this podcast with Maria and Olga. This podcast was recorded on 30 November 2025. Photo credit: P***y Riot. Teresa's Questions: How did you become a “Political Girl”? Were you born a “political girl,” or did life make you one?Olga, what about you? Tell us about your path to P***y Riot. (How did you become friends with Masha?)Masha, is it true that you and your two other P***y Riot offenders were the first political prisoners in Putin’s Russia? Was it a shock for you to be arrested and sentenced?Why is feminism such an important element of P***y Riot’s philosophy? And why is it so threatening to an authoritarian regime? (Feminism is a ‘mortal sin,’ according to the judge at your trial.)Masha, you wrote that when you were released from prison a couple of months early, thanks to Putin’s amnesty before the Olympic Games in Sochi, you found yourself in a different country. Please explain.Tell us about your performance in Sochi with other members of P***y Riot, very soon after your release. Masha, you travelled to Kyiv to show solidarity with the Maidan protesters in 2014. How do you explain the difference between Ukrainians and Russians — why is it that Russians seem more passive and don’t protest en masse?Your book describes the constant surveillance, humiliation, persecution, and repression that accompanied you everywhere and always. Where did you find the strength to continue resisting the authorities?Do revolutionaries have special qualities? Would you describe yourself as a ‘revolutionary’, Masha? What about you, Olya?What is it that motivates you and makes you willing to sacrifice so much for? I hadn’t realised that P***y Riot created Mediazona, an independent media outlet. How does it differ from other independent media outlets? What is its mission?You have often said that Putin’s third term as president was a point of no return for Russia. How did this happen, in your view?Your book is in English and seems to be written for a Western readership. What are the main things you wanted to convey or communicate to the West? The book has an entire chapter about the seemingly endless cycle of arrests and detentions you experienced. (You found both “good” and “bad” people among those who guarded you.) You have said that the whole of Russia can be found in these detention centres. What did you mean by that?When did you realize that there would be a full-scale war with Ukraine? Tell us about your thoughts in February 2022. How did you decide whether to stay or leave?It has been more than three years since you arrived in the West. How do you perceive the actions of Western countries towards Russia?And how do you see their actions to defend their own democracy?Do you believe in change in Russia? What kind of change?Exactly ten years after your performance of the “Punk Prayer” in the Cathedral of Christ the Saviour in Moscow, Putin announced the ‘special military operation’ in Ukraine. It seems that the P***y Riot affair became a marker of what could be expected from Putin’s Russia: first there was the illegal annexation of Crimea, then increasingly harsh punitive measure against any dissent from the regime, and finally the full-scale war against Ukraine. What does it feel like to be a historical figure?

    50 min
  5. Podcast Then & Now #36: Teresa Cherfas in conversation with Manon Loizeau and Ekaterina Mamontova

    10/31/2025

    Podcast Then & Now #36: Teresa Cherfas in conversation with Manon Loizeau and Ekaterina Mamontova

    Not long ago, the documentary film « Politzek » was premiered on French television. It was made by two women – one French and one Russian – and is dedicated to political prisoners in Putin’s Russia. Manon Loizeau is an experienced documentary filmmaker who has filmed in Grozny during the Second Chechen War, in Beslan, Belarus, Syria, Georgia in 2008, and other hot spots. Ekaterina Mamontova was born and raised in Moscow. In 2015, she graduated from VGIK, the most prestigious film school in Russia. For the past three years, she has been collaborating with independent Russian and foreign media outlets, shooting short documentary projects for them. Yesterday we caught up with Manon and Katya in a café in Paris to talk about how they managed to make such a film in Russia today under Putin, about their collaboration, and about their film « Politzek ». [You can watch Manon and Katya discussing the film on the French channel TV5Monde here.] This podcast was recorded on 30 October 2025. QuestionsManon, let’s start with you—is this a very significant film for you? After all, in your voiceover at the beginning of the film you say: “Russia is my beloved country, the country I chose when I was 20 years old…” In what sense did you “choose Russia”? To what end?Tell us about the process of making the film. What was it like?I understand that meeting Katya was key. Tell us about your first meeting.What did you want to show the viewer or convey to them about the situation in modern Russia?The film says that it was important for you, Katya, to bear witness to what happened in Russia. How did you understand this for yourself?Katya, were there any moments in your professional or personal life that inspired you in your choice of career?Manon, what tasks did you set for Katya? Were they achievable?What did you think, Katya? How did you react?What measures did you take to keep Katya safe?Tell us about your collaboration, how did you work together remotely?Tell us briefly about the people are showcased in the film. What guided you in your choice? Did you already know some of them?Katya, did you use your phone to film or a proper film camera?How did that work, given that there was a risk of the video being confiscated or something even worse? Were there moments when you were afraid?Katya, at one point in the film you suggest filming a group, set up by some of your friends, who are writing letters to political prisoners. Tell us how that happened. It’s amazing that they continue to meet to write letters to prisoners to this day. Or has something changed?What kind of feedback did you get about the film?Manon, at the beginning of the film, you mention the horrifying number of political prisoners in Russia today. In the credits, you write that the film is dedicated to Belarusian political prisoners and Ukrainians in Russian prisons. The credits are accompanied by photos of many people, political prisoners who are still serving time for their political views. Were there any people you wanted to talk about but couldn’t reach?What are your plans for the future? Both for yourself and for the film? Manon? Katya?

    29 min
  6. Podcast Then & Now #35: Teresa Cherfas in conversation with theatre director Alexander Molochnikov

    10/06/2025

    Podcast Then & Now #35: Teresa Cherfas in conversation with theatre director Alexander Molochnikov

    3 October 2025 Welcome to the 35th edition of our Russian-language podcast Then & Now with me, Teresa Cherfas Our guest today is actor and theatre director Alexander Molochnikov. Alexander Molochnikov (personal archive) In this podcast we are making a break from our usual Russian-language format. This is because our guest has chosen not to speak in his mother tongue. At the age of just 22, he was the youngest director ever to stage a production at the legendary Moscow Arts Theatre. In 2022, aged 29, he had two productions running concurrently on two different stages of the Bolshoi Theatre – one a comic opera, the other a ballet based on Chekhov’s Seagull, for which he won the Golden Mask award. Then on 24th February, 2022, Putin invaded Ukraine… His latest production, Seagull: True Story – a play that is so meta it has your head spinning – is currently on tour in London from New York. He has described it as his third Seagull, but only the second to fly. This podcast was recorded on 2 October 2025. [You can find on the Internet two recent Russian-language interviews Alexander Molochnikov has given to Yury Dud and Mikhail Zygar.] Questions This podcast is about the time before and after the so-called Special Military Operation. What do you remember about the 24th of February 2022?You’ve described your current production in London – Seagull: True Story – as your third Seagull, but only the second to fly. What happened to the one that never took off?When did you decide you could no longer live in Russia?This is the first time we’ve done this podcast for Rights in Russia with a native Russian speaker in English. Is your decision not to speak Russian a political statement?What happened to your stage productions that were still in repertoire in Moscow after you left?Unlike many of your compatriots in the arts, you had a plan. What was that plan?You were a student at Columbia University in New York. What were your impressions of classes there?How did these experiences at Columbia inform the rehearsal process for your latest production: “Seagull: True Story”? How did you work with the actors to build the story and write the script?In Seagull: True Story, you make the point that the profit margin and commercial viability dictate what gets produced on stage in America and that that is every bit as restrictive on artistic expression as political censorship in Russia. What is your own personal experience of this in New York?I completely loved the theatricality of Seagull: True Story – it had an energy and a playfulness, using movement, mime, and props that made it an unmistakably theatrical experience. What is your experience of watching or taking part in theatre productions in the States, or indeed, London since you’re here?There’s a fantastic and surreal scene in it, where Putin, bare-chested on a horse appears to Kon, the director, in his dreams. And yet, there’s no Trump anywhere and no overt mention of the parallels between Putin’s Russia and Trump’s America.Do you think such parallels can be drawn?Kon, your alter-ego, if you like, is desperate to go back to Russia, to visit his mum, to mourn the death of his close friend, who died in a penal colony for speaking out against the war, but he can’t. It’s actually a very moving scene. Do you wish you could go back to Russia for a visit?On the one year anniversary of the full-scale invasion of Ukraine by Russia, you posted on social media: “A year ago, at 6:30 a.m., I wrote: “Forgive us.” Today I know you won’t forgive me. I’m 30, I plan to live another 50-70, and I believe I’ll see the day when you will forgive me.” What makes you think that?What’s up next for you after Seagull: True Story? Where do you see yourself, professionally, in 10 or 20 years?

    34 min

  7. 09/30/2025

    Podcast Then & Now #34 - Teresa Cherfas in conversation with Sergei Davidis

    Our guest today is Sergei Davidis, a Russian lawyer, human rights activist and leading member of Memorial. Sergei Davidis has extensive experience in organising various human rights initiatives and political protests in defence of democratic principles in Putin’s Russia. In 2010, Davidis founded the programme in support of political prisoners, which operates within Memorial, a programme he heads to this day. He is also a Memorial board member. In December 2021, a few months before Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation ordered the shutting down of Memorial, Russia’s oldest and largest human rights organisation. On 3 March 2022, Davidis appeared as a witness for the defence in the trial of Aleksei Navalny. On 4 March, security forces raided and ransacked the organisation’s Moscow office. A few days later, due to the increasing risks and virtual impossibility of continuing his work in support of political prisoners in Russia, Davidis decided to leave the country with his family. He currently lives in Lithuania. Together with his team, they track the number of political prisoners in Russia, organise support, and maintain a register according to the stringent standards adopted by Memorial. This podcast was recorded on 25 September 2025. Other platforms where you can find our podcasts include: Podcasts.com, Spotify, iTunes, and Amazon Audible. My Questions 1 Could you tell us about the history of your project. When did Memorial decide that it was necessary to keep a record of all those individuals you consider to be political prisoners? 2 How do you define political prisoners? As you know, other organisations use other terms – for example Amnesty International refers to ‘prisoners of conscience’? What is the difference? 3 How many political prisoners are there in Russia at the moment? 4 My understanding is that under Gorbachev, all political prisoners were released and there were none under Yeltsin. When did political prisoners first reappear in Russia? 5 Two new laws in particular were introduced at the very start of the war criminalising ‘discrediting’ the Russian military or spreading ‘fake news’ about the Russian military. Could you explain the difference between those two laws and the differences in punishments? 6  read that some individuals are given ridiculously long terms in prison for an action which even in terms of Russian legislation would seem to be a minor offence – for example 13 years in prison for donating a small sum to a Ukrainian charity. That is far more than someone would get for murder. How do you explain that? 7 Russia these days has a whole range of laws criminalising individuals and organisations, for example the foreign agent laws, the laws branding organisations as extremist or as ‘undesirable’. How far are those convicted under these laws represented among those you classify as political prisoners? 8 To what extent is criticism of the Russian leader – Vladimir Putin – criminalised? Are people in prison simply for speaking out against Putin? That would tell us a great deal about the regime, given how focused it is on the personality of the leader? 9 If we consider Russia as an authoritarian state, in terms of the numbers of political prisoners in the country and the severity of the sentences, how does Russia compare with other authoritarian countries? 10 Your colleague Oleg Orlov was imprisoned for calling the regime ‘fascist’. Do you agree with that classification? 11 How much harder is it to do your work, based outside the country? 12 To what extent are you able to gauge the impact of your work, both inside Russia and internationally?

  8. Podcast Then & Now #33 - Teresa Cherfas in conversation with Lana Estemirova

    08/06/2025

    Podcast Then & Now #33 - Teresa Cherfas in conversation with Lana Estemirova

    18 July 2025 by Teresa Cherfas Welcome to the 33rd edition of our Russian-language podcast Then & Now with me, Teresa Cherfas On 15 July 2009, Chechen human rights activist and member of the management committee of the human rights organization “Memorial,” Natalia Estemirova, was murdered. She was abducted near her home in Grozny and taken by car across the border to Ingushetia, where she was shot five times in the chest. The killers fled, leaving her body at the scene of the crime. Her only child was 15 years old. That child recently published a book about her mother, Please Live, and its author is our guest today – Lana Estemirova.  My QuestionsOur podcast is called Then and Now, and most often it’s about how the full-scale invasion of Ukraine by Russia has impacted people’s lives and perceptions. You wrote in your book that few people cared about your mother’s murder, or the Russian-Chechen wars, or the constant human rights violations, and that all these were but brief mentions at the end of the news, or cursory minutes of international meetings, if at all. By the time Russia invaded Ukraine on 24 February 2022, you wrote, it was too late. What does that date mean for you now?In your book, you write warmly about your relatives in Russia and in Chechnya. Are you in touch with them?  Is there a difference between Chechens’ and Russians’ perceptions of the war in Ukraine?I imagine it cannot have been easy to write your book. What was the process of writing like? Did you struggle to find your voice?How would you describe your mother to people who didn’t know her?Your mother’s close friend, Anna Politkovskaya, was killed in the entrance to her apartment building in Moscow in 2006. Do you remember that day? Were you worried about your mother and her safety?Your book clearly outlines the stages of the Chechen wars and of Ramzan Kadyrov’s rise to power. How did you feel about him and his influence on your lives? I’m thinking about your protest against compulsory headscarves for schoolgirls, for example.Two days ago was the anniversary of the murder of your mother, Natalia Estemirova. The title of your book, Please Live, is a direct reference to that day.  I read your account of how you learned of your mother’s death , about your reactions and emotions on the day and the  immediate aftermath, and of how they changed and evolved over time, of your rage and sadness and your final acceptance of what had happened. These are almost indescribable feelings, and yet you describe them in unforgettable language. What were the most important lessons for you?. After all, the last sentence of your book is: “Happiness is victory.” What did you mean by that?You recently became a mother yourself. Tell us about your feelings toward your baby daughter. What will you tell her about her grandmother?You can read Teresa Cherfas’ review of Please Live. The Chechen Wars, My Mother and Me by Lana Estemirova here.

    46 min
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Discussing human rights in Russia [in Russian and sometimes English].

Information

  • Creator
    Rights in Russia
  • Years Active
    2020 - 2026
  • Episodes
    166
  • Rating
    Explicit
  • Show Website
    Rights in Russia