Spotlight

FRANCE 24 English

FRANCE 24's prime time interview of the day goes beyond the headlines: join us as news-making guests from around the globe go in depth on the stories that matter. Every day at 6:15pm Paris time.

  1. 1d ago

    Teddy Riner candidacy 'illustrative of hunger for alternatives' to France's Le Pen or Mélenchon

    As Teddy Riner throws his hat in the race for the French presidency, amid France's sociopolitical and economic crises, François Picard is pleased to welcome Lex Paulson, Director of Executive Programs at UM6P School of Collective Intelligence at Mohammed VI Polytechnic University. The prospect of Olympic judo champion Riner entering France's presidential race raises questions that extend well beyond the political ambitions of a celebrated and beloved athlete. At a time when traditional parties in France are struggling to mobilise voters and the political centre remains deeply fragmented, Riner's emergence points to a broader transformation of French politics weathering multiple crises: the growing importance of personal credibility, public visibility and the capacity to embody an alternative to established political elites. Paulson argues that the changing relationship between voters and political institutions is reshaping the conditions under which political outsiders can emerge. "The currency of politics now is no longer just money to buy television advertisements or open offices. It's the ability to capture attention." For Paulson, Riner's celebrity status gives him a considerable advantage in an increasingly fragmented media environment. Yet visibility alone does not confer political credibility. While the Olympic champion's public commitments against racism and xenophobia may resonate with voters, Paulson questions whether he has articulated a sufficiently developed political vision to become a serious presidential contender. The deeper issue, however, is not whether Riner can win. It is what his potential candidacy reveals about the weakness of France's traditional political alternatives and the growing demand for leaders whose personal histories, values and commitments resonate with citizens. "Voters don't vote for policies. Voters vote for people they sense will stand up for them." Paulson's analysis connects this demand for political identification to a wider crisis of democratic representation. Voters, he suggests, increasingly perceive professional politicians as a distant governing class that listens to citizens only during electoral campaigns. "People don't feel like they're being listened to except for the few weeks before an election." Seen in this light, Riner's emergence is less an isolated celebrity phenomenon than a symptom of the changing relationship between political authority, public trust and democratic participation. The central challenge facing France's next generation of leaders may therefore be not simply to develop compelling policies, but to restore citizens' sense that political institutions are responsive to their lives. As Paulson concludes, the real political opportunity lies in reimagining governance itself: bringing decision-making closer to citizens and giving them a more meaningful voice in the democratic process.

  2. 3d ago

    Will Eisenkot succeed in 'minefield of Israeli politics' where 'so many other generals' have failed?

    François Picard welcomes Dahlia Scheindlin, Israeli political analyst, strategic consultant and pollster, to examine a question that reaches far beyond the immediate struggle for power: Can Israel move beyond PM Benjamin Netanyahu amid coalition deadlock, growing disillusionment in Washington and the persistent limits of political inclusion? As Gadi Eisenkot embarks on a 45-day race to form a government, following Israeli President Isaac Herzog's decision to entrust him with the task of assembling an elusive parliamentary majority, Scheindlin offers a timely reminder: "It's always too early to eulogise Netanyahu politically." After all, the veteran prime minister has repeatedly demonstrated an extraordinary capacity to survive seemingly insurmountable political crises. Scheindlin explores the uncertain prospects of Eisenkot's coalition-building efforts, alongside the erosion of Israel's traditional bipartisan support in Washington. She places considerable responsibility on Netanyahu himself, arguing that the "complete collapse of the old bipartisan consensus" was largely driven by a leader who "invested the entire relationship in one party and increasingly one person." Her analysis reveals how parliamentary arithmetic, competing visions of national identity and Israel's increasingly strained relationship with the United States have converged into a broader crisis of political legitimacy, democratic inclusion and long-term strategic direction. Yet perhaps the most revealing contradiction lies within the opposition itself: determined to unseat Netanyahu, its leading figures remain deeply reluctant to cooperate with Arab parties. Scheindlin calls this a "completely self-imposed constraint", questioning why those seeking political change continue to rule out partnerships that might make it possible. For her, Jewish-Arab political cooperation is not merely a matter of coalition arithmetic but a fundamental question about Israel's democratic future. The immediate outcome, Scheindlin suggests, may be either parliamentary stalemate or a structurally fragile minority government. But the deeper challenge lies in Israel's political architecture itself. Against a backdrop of mounting international isolation and concerns over the departure of some of the country's brightest and most highly skilled citizens, can new political leadership overcome the entrenched exclusions and divisions that stand in the way of meaningful change, or will Israel's political crisis outlast Netanyahu himself?

  3. 6d ago

    A homegrown Georgia moderate and pragmatist: Is Senator Ossoff the future of the Democratic Party?

    Is Senator Jon Ossoff the future of the Democratic Party? Following his resounding re-election in Georgia, the 39-year-old senator has emerged as a prominent figure as the Democrats look ahead to 2028 for their next presidential nominee. His natural confidence, polished media performances and ability to appeal to a diverse electorate have prompted comparisons with Barack Obama. Yet behind the excitement surrounding his national prospects lies a more complicated question: whether political momentum in the Senate necessarily translates into a presidential frontrunner. For Jay Bookman, a veteran Georgia political journalist who has followed Ossoff since his unsuccessful congressional campaign in 2017, the senator's presidential ambitions are difficult to dismiss. "I think he absolutely will at some point," Bookman argues. But he identifies an unexpected obstacle to a possible 2028 campaign: "I think the biggest obstacle to Ossoff running in 2028 would be his friend, and fellow senator from Georgia, Reverend Raphael Warnock." That observation reveals a central tension in the politics of presidential succession. Ossoff's strength derives not only from his personal appeal but also from the political relationships, particularly with African American voters, that have underpinned Democratic success in Georgia. A premature presidential contest could very well threaten the very coalition that has enabled his rise. Bookman also offers a revealing assessment of Ossoff's political persona. A former documentary filmmaker, the senator understands the power of media and visual communication and the demands of contemporary political campaigning. "He knows how the algorithm works," Bookman explains. Yet this mastery of carefully produced public appearances coexists with a more reserved, occasionally "stilted" performance in informal interviews. The contrast raises questions, beyond authenticity, about political performance and the evolving skills required of national leaders. Ideologically, Bookman presents Ossoff as a pragmatist shaped by Georgia's competitive electoral environment, rather than a politician driven by a sweeping ideological programme. His caution may prove a strength, but it also complicates the decision to pursue the presidency while his national profile is rising. "Opportunities to grab the golden ring don't come every day," Bookman reflects. "He's certainly hot right now." In this wide-ranging Spotlight interview with Gavin Lee, he explores Ossoff's political origins, rhetorical strengths, electoral coalition and presidential prospects, offering a portrait of an ambitious, yet methodical, politician confronting one of the oldest dilemmas in democratic politics: when to convert political promise into a bid for higher office.

  4. 6d ago

    'Period of uncertainty: Trump is tormented, he's unstoppable, and he's desperate for immortality'

    François Picard is pleased to welcome Craig Copetas, Greek-American author, international affairs columnist and editor at Türkiye Today and French Senator Hélène Conway-Mouret. "What you have is a tormented and unstable president who's desperate for immortality." With this arresting assessment, Copetas captures what he considers the defining paradox of Donald Trump's presidency in the aftermath of the US midterm elections: a leader politically neutered at home but potentially emboldened on the international stage. Copetas challenges the assumption that Democratic electoral gains necessarily herald a return to political stability or predictability in Washington's relations with its allies. Trump "has no control, really, in the United States now, but he has a lot of leeway overseas," he argues, suggesting that domestic weakness may intensify rather than diminish the risks associated with presidential decision-making abroad. At the heart of his analysis is the possibility that Trump's pursuit of historical significance could encourage a dramatic geopolitical bargain with China. Citing concerns expressed by foreign policy advisers in Washington, Copetas raises the prospect of Taiwan becoming a bargaining chip in negotiations with President Xi Jinping, describing such a possibility as a "Faustian bargain". The warning is speculative, but it illustrates a broader anxiety about the vulnerability of longstanding security commitments to personalised diplomacy. Watcg more'Trump is a very dangerous person for the world': EU's former top diplomat Josep Borrell The roundtable extends beyond conventional geopolitics to the intersection of political power, corporate influence and economic dependence. Copetas predicts mounting scrutiny of Elon Musk's relationship and complex dealings with the US government, while identifying potential opportunities for European competitors in satellite communications, artificial intelligence and aerospace. Conway-Mouret, meanwhile, emphasises Europe's strategic and economic weight, warning that the continent must not become "the playground of three major countries". Yet the final insight returns to the domestic economic grievances that shape American political behaviour. From the industrial decline of Pennsylvania to the rising cost of living and the consequences of tariffs, Copetas argues that the electorate's immediate concerns remain far removed from the strategic geopolitical calculations of Washington's foreign policy establishment. The result is an in-depth examination of the relationship between domestic political constraints, presidential ambition and indulgence, and international instability. As Copetas concludes: "This is not over by a long shot. Watch your back." His warning is less a prediction of any single crisis than a challenge to the comforting assumption that electoral setbacks necessarily produce geopolitical restraint.

  5. 6d ago

    'Leaders all over the world understand that Trump is only there for two more years & then he's gone'

    In American politics, even presidential power has its limits. And now, the laws of political gravity may finally be catching up with Donald Trump's hyper-aggressive exercise of executive authority. Following what political scientist Ian Bremmer describes as the most consequential electoral reversal for a governing party in more than half a century, the president and founder of Eurasia Group and GZERO Media argues that the United States has entered a new political phase: the beginning of the end of Trump's ability to dominate the political agenda, at home and on the world stage. Joining François Picard for a wide-ranging Spotlight interview, Bremmer revisits his provocative thesis that America has already reached "peak Trump". This is not to suggest that the president has become powerless. Rather, Bremmer argues that his political authority is increasingly constrained by an emboldened congressional opposition, growing Republican discontent, unpopular economic and foreign policy decisions, and a dawning realisation among world leaders that the clock is ticking on Trump's "America First" presidency. The reversal, in Bremmer's account, has been nothing short of extraordinary. "Trump back in 2024 engineered for himself the biggest political comeback in American political history. And now, only two years later, the biggest loss in 50 years," he notes. Watch moreIan Bremmer: 'We have passed peak Trump in terms of disruption on the global stage' At the heart of his argument lies a fundamental distinction between the formal powers of the presidency and the political influence required to wield them effectively. Trump remains commander-in-chief, commands the machinery of executive government and continues to dominate the media landscape. Yet Bremmer contends that the president's capacity to turn those advantages into lasting political victories and meaningful policy outcomes is rapidly diminishing. The consequences extend far beyond Washington. From the war in Iran and the unresolved conflict in Ukraine to transatlantic relations under extraordinary strain, America's allies and adversaries alike are beginning to recalibrate their strategic calculations, looking beyond the present administration towards the political landscape that will emerge after Trump leaves office. As Bremmer puts it: "Those foreign leaders will start to engage more with the America that they expect to deal with after Trump is gone." At home, Bremmer points to mounting economic disillusionment, the perceived betrayal of campaign promises, as well as allegations of corruption and self-dealing reminiscent of America's Gilded Age. Together, he argues, these forces have eroded the electoral coalition that propelled Trump back to the White House in historic fashion. Meanwhile, the president's apparent preoccupation with monuments, personal projects and his own legacy raises a deeper question: At what point does the spectacle of power begin to undermine the substance of governance? Bremmer also questions the president's ability to sustain the relentless demands of the office, portraying him as increasingly distracted and less focused on the issues that matter most. His assessment is stark: "He's focusing on things that don't really matter. And ultimately that's going to weaken his power and weaken his disruptive capacity. Yes, two more years to go. But nowhere near the level of disruption that he had on the global stage at the beginning of this term." The larger question is one of profound significance for American democracy and the international order: Can a president retain the formidable constitutional powers of the world's most consequential political office while progressively losing the political influence needed to exercise them? Trump has built his political identity on superlatives, from the extraordinary comeback that returned him to the White House to his ambitions to reshape the global order. But if Bremmer's diagnosis is correct, the president who once appeared capable of bending political reality to his will may now be confronting a reality he cannot bend: the limits of his own power. The presidency still has two more years to run. But the era of "peak Trump," Bremmer argues, may already be over.

  6. Nov 3

    Historian Timothy Snyder: Trump running US foreign policy 'as though he were an organised criminal'

    As Americans head to the polls for the midterm elections, François Picard welcomes historian Timothy Snyder, professor at the University of Toronto's Munk School of Global Affairs, for a conversation about the future of American democracy, the growing political influence of technology billionaires and the dangers of a new Gilded Age. Who really holds power in Donald Trump's America: the president or the billionaires surrounding him? Drawing parallels with the robber barons of nineteenth-century America, Snyder argues that the extraordinary wealth and influence of today's technology magnates risk turning democratic institutions into instruments of private power. But unlike the original Gilded Age, which eventually gave way to antitrust legislation and progressive reforms, there is no guarantee that history will repeat itself. For Snyder, the author of "On Tyranny" and "On Freedom", the stakes of the midterms extend far beyond the political fortunes of Trump and the Republican Party. The election, he warns, is largely about "whether the faltering president, Donald Trump, will become a transition to more or less open rule by some of our tech oligarchs." Snyder draws a striking contrast between the political economies of President Vladimir Putin's Russia and contemporary America. While Putin sits at the apex of Russia's oligarchic hierarchy, Snyder suggests that in the United States, technology billionaires possess the financial power and political leverage to use Trump as a gateway to government influence. Yet the danger, he argues, goes beyond the concentration of wealth and power. Equally corrosive is the normalisation of corruption through political cynicism: persuading citizens that dishonesty is universal, that everyone cheats and that no meaningful alternative exists. "Everybody is corrupt. Everybody just wants to be a billionaire. Everybody cheats. So you might as well vote for us because we're good at it." This, Snyder suggests, is how authoritarian politics can take hold: not only by weakening democratic institutions, but by convincing citizens that democracy itself is little more than a contest between competing forms of corruption. And yet, Snyder insists, the outcome is far from predetermined. Despite an electoral system distorted by money and unequal political influence, he sees signs of democratic resilience in grassroots organising, public protests and the determination of Americans to exercise their right to vote. "So of course it's not a fair election," he argues. "But it's a free election in the sense that people are persistent, struggle, support one another." The question, then, is not simply whether Democrats can regain control of Congress. It is whether Americans still believe that democratic politics can make a difference, and whether collective action can counter the growing concentration of private power. For Snyder, there is still reason for hope. "The encouraging thing is that we're not there yet," he says. "I think people care."

About

FRANCE 24's prime time interview of the day goes beyond the headlines: join us as news-making guests from around the globe go in depth on the stories that matter. Every day at 6:15pm Paris time.

You Might Also Like