The Beinart Notebook

Peter Beinart

A conversation about American foreign policy, Palestinian freedom and the Jewish people. peterbeinart.substack.com

  1. Progressives Must Not Give Tucker Carlson a Pass

    HACE 6 DÍAS

    Progressives Must Not Give Tucker Carlson a Pass

    This week’s Zoom call will be at our regular time, Friday at 1 PM Eastern. Our guest will be Abdul El-Sayed, a candidate for Senate in Michigan, whose Democratic primary has become the most hotly contested in the nation. El-Sayed has been attacked for saying that both Israel and Hamas have acted in evil ways, for campaigning with Hasan Piker and for calling Benjamin Netanyahu a war criminal. He recently declared that “AIPAC and Israel are not the same as Judaism and the Jewish people” and that “The most dangerous thing they’ve tried to do is extend the definition of antisemitism to include a foreign government.” We’ll talk about US policy towards Israel, about antisemitism, Islamophobia and anti-Palestinian racism, about the mood of voters in Michigan and about the state of the Democratic Party. (If El-Sayed’s opponents want to do an interview as well, they’re welcome to be in touch). This conversation will be co-sponsored by Jewish Currents. Join us. This week I’m also hosting a conversation between Professor Omer Bartov, author of the newly released, Israel: What Went Wrong, and columnist Gideon Levy, who in a recent column criticized an interview about the book that Bartov conducted with Haaretz. Unlike our Friday interviews, that conversation won’t include a live audience. We’ll distribute the video to subscribers this week. After this Friday’s call, we’ll take a week off and resume on Friday, May 29. Cited in Today’s Video Tucker Carlson’s interview with Tyler Oliveira. Naftuli Moster, a long-time activist for reforming the ultra-Orthodox school system, condemns Tyler Oliveira. Things to Read (Maybe this should be obvious, but I link to articles and videos I find provocative and significant, not necessarily ones I entirely agree with). In Jewish Currents (subscribe!), Josh Nathan-Kazis writes about how J Street is responding to the turn in public opinion against Israel. Gilbert Achcar, Professor at the School of Oriental and African Studies at the University of London, analyzes the reasons for America and Israel’s war against Iran. Shaul Magid on the fracturing of American Jewish “peoplehood.” I talked about Being Jewish After the Destruction of Gaza with the Real News Network. Appearances On May 11, I’ll be speaking at the New Millennium Church in Little Rock, Arkansas. On May 18, I’ll be speaking to Town Hall Seattle and Third Place Books in Seattle, Washington. Reader Comment Daniel Brumberg, associate professor of government at Georgetown, writes: I only watched ten minutes of your interview with Molly Crabgrass, but I have watched enough similar interviews with Molly Crabapple to appreciate how she has abused and misrepresented the history of the Bund to advance her own ideological project. I say this as the son and grandson of Bundists; my grandfather was co-director of the Bund’s Medem Sanatorium, and my father was a leading scholar of the Bund who spoke fluent Yiddish and Polish, maintained lifelong friendships with Bundists, and never disowned his own Bundism, having grown up in Poland. Both of them would have been deeply offended by the propaganda campaign that Crabapple has launched, which is misplaced, misdirected, and misinformed. She doesn’t grapple in a clear and honest way with the meaning of the Bund before World War II, and after the Holocaust. Instead, she implies that the Bund’s critique of Zionism had the same meaning during both eras. This is nonsense. Apart from decimating the Bund’s leaders and followers, the Holocaust decimated its central premise, even if the warnings of its leaders about the dangers of chauvinism were correct. Many Bundists moved to Israel because they concluded that, after the Holocaust, the basic idea that Jews needed a state of their own seemed compelling. I might add that a lot of folks came to Israel looking for a safe haven, not because of some deep embrace of “Zionism.” Their motive was not unlike the motive of many Muslims who supported the creation of Pakistan--a home of refuge for Muslims. My father was born in Tel Aviv: his parents fled there in 1926 after the Soviet secret police issued a warrant for my grandfather’s arrest. Palestine was the only country on the planet where they could get a visa (that path was closed in 1930). They returned to Warsaw in 1930, and my grandfather began his work at the Medem Sanatorium. They fled Warsaw on September 5, 1939, and were almost killed by Nazi planes. The 350 or so children who remained at the sanatorium were all gassed at Treblinka. My father’s Bundism endured, but he was never “anti-Zionist,” whatever that means. We went to Israel together and met with many Bundists. The world is a complicated place, and when we let our own ideological priorities drive our analyses, we get Crabapple’s ahistorical abuse of a complex story, one that does an injustice to the Bund. Molly Crabapple responds: It is a sad but common phenomenon that descendants are unable to accept the actual views of their ancestors. During his four years in Tel Aviv, the writer’s grandfather Yoysef Brumberg was the Palestine correspondent for the Bund’s newspaper Naye Folkstsaytung. In this capacity, he reported on the brutal Zionist evictions, racism and deliberate impoverishment of Palestinian farmers, writing “where Zionism speaks, socialism is silent.” (see Yoysef Brumberg, Naye folkstsaytung, March 22nd, 1929, translated by Eyshe Beirich). I hope that the writer will read the trailblazing book of Bundist anti-Zionist writings that Beirich and Nathan Tankus are publishing with Haymarket in 2027. It might enlighten him. The writer’s misrepresentation of Yoysef Brumberg’s legacy is sadly in line with other attempts to conceal the Bund’s principled internationalism. Built by socialists who believed in human equality, the Bund was an anti-Zionist organization throughout its entire pre-Holocaust history and maintained this view afterwards. I will quote one of the many articles condemning Zionism written in the Bund’s postwar Bulletin, written in 1948. “What a bitter irony that after the utter destruction brought upon the Jewish people by Fascism, the latter’s methods of terror are now triumphant in Jewish life. . . . It is as if the slaughterer had infected his victims with his germs during the slaughter.” This is by Shloyme Mendelson, a great Bundist pedagogue who was a comrade of the writer’s grandfather. Finally, despite how he addressed me, my name is Molly Crabapple. He should learn it. See you on Friday, Peter VIDEO TRANSCRIPT: I want to talk about a video that Tucker Carlson just put out yesterday because I think in the whole question now about who is Tucker Carlson, and what he believes today, I think it’s a kind of a smoking gun. Now, some people might say, well, why are you talking about Tucker Carlson? You’ve been talking about Tucker Carlson already. You wrote a New York Times column about it. Most of what I tend to focus on in these videos are the human rights abuses committed by the state of Israel, and also the arguments, which I consider unconvincing, to justify those human rights abuses and the war that Israel and the United States are now in in Iran. I do that not only because, you know, not because Israel is, of course, the only country committing terrible human rights abuses in the world, but because I feel special obligation to be in that conversation as a Jew, and also as an American taxpayer whose money goes to fund these crimes. And the reason I’m focusing on Tucker Carlson, the reason I think it’s important, is also because I feel a special obligation to talk about Tucker Carlson in this moment, because he’s enormously influential in the United States, and in the future struggle of whether America will move towards being a multiracial democracy, or move towards being a white Christian supremacist nation, but also especially because I’m on the left, because I’m a progressive. And so, I feel a special obligation to speak out when I see progressives normalizing someone who I believe is trafficking in bigotry, as I believe that Tucker Carlson is. And I think we are at a dangerous moment, in which some high-profile progressives, because they’re so eager to find allies on the right who are willing to criticize Israel and criticize the Iran war. And to be clear: I think it is very good that Tucker Carlson is criticizing Israel’s treatment of the Palestinians, its aggression in Lebanon. I think it’s very good that he’s turned against Trump and that he’s turned against Iran. But none of that changes the fact that this man remains a white Christian nationalist. And you can be glad that he’s criticizing human rights abuses against Palestinians and Lebanese, but if you allow that to lead you to silence yourself on the question of his white Christian nationalism, then I think you’re doing a disservice to the struggle for American liberal democracy, and you’re doing a disservice to the struggle against all bigotry. When I say Carlson traffics in antisemitism, I want to be clear. This is very different than the kind of accusations, weaponized accusations, of antisemitism against people who criticize Israel. I’m not saying Carlson traffics in antisemitism because he criticizes Israel. I’m saying that his antisemitism is part and parcel of his general white Christian nationalism. And just as that white Christian nationalism comes out in anti-Muslim, anti-immigrant, anti-Black statements, it also comes out in antisemitism. And the video that he just did, which just came out a couple days ago, is so revealing in that regard for this reason. It’s not about Israel. This video barely ever mentions Israel at all, so it so clearly shows the way in which Carlson’s antisemitic and bigoted attitudes are not about Israel, they’re about Jews, just as they’re about Black people, and they’re about Muslims. And this is

    17 min
  2. The Far Right Now Talks About Judaism The Way It Has Long Talked About Islam

    4 MAY

    The Far Right Now Talks About Judaism The Way It Has Long Talked About Islam

    This week’s Zoom call will be at our regular time, Friday at 1 PM Eastern. Our guests will be Molly Crabapple, author of the newly released, New York Times bestseller, Here Where We Live is Our Country: The Story of the Jewish Bund, and Joshua D. Zimmerman, Professor of History and Chair in Holocaust Studies at Yeshiva University, and author of Poles, Jews, and the Politics of Nationality: The Bund and the Polish Socialist Party in Late Tsarist Russia, 1892–1914. We’ll be discussing the history of Jewish socialism in Eastern Europe and its legacy for debates about Zionism, antisemitism, and socialism today. Please join us. Cited in Today’s Video My New York Times column arguing that despite Tucker Carlson’s criticisms of Israel and the war against Iran, progressives should not see him as an ally. Things to Read (Maybe this should be obvious, but I link to articles and videos I find provocative and significant, not necessarily ones I entirely agree with.) In Jewish Currents (subscribe!), Josh Nathan-Kazis analyzes the decision by the Jewish Theological Seminary to invite Israeli President Isaac Herzog to deliver its commencement address. Basman Derawi and Michal Rubin, a Gaza-born Palestinian and Israeli-born Jewish poet, co-author a beautiful new book, Your Stories Look Me in the Eyes. Appearances On May 6, I’ll be speaking to the Joint Christian Advocacy Summit in Washington, DC. On May 18, I’ll be speaking to Town Hall Seattle and Third Place Books in Seattle, Washington. Take My Class As some of you may know, I’m a Professor of Journalism and Political Science at the City University of New York. Every year I teach a seminar at the Newmark School of Journalism that I’m now calling, Arguing with the Enemy. The idea is to have students engage seriously with perspectives with which they strongly disagree. We work through a series of contentious issues—Israel-Palestine, immigration, abortion, climate— and students write profiles of people with whom they disagree. They then write opinion essays expressing their own point of view but reacting in some way to what they’ve learned from listening to the other side. We also host high-profile guests on each side of these contentious issues. Last year, for instance, we heard from The New York Times columnist David French, who is anti-abortion, and Nation columnist Katha Pollitt, who is pro-choice. One of the central questions of the class is how we decide when an opposing view is worth engaging with, and under what circumstances. In other words, I ask students to question the premise of the class itself. The class will meet in person (not online) from September through December of this year, at the Newmark School of Journalism, which is near Times Square in New York, on Thursdays from 9:30 AM-12:20 PM. Every year, 2-3 non-CUNY students, of any age, are welcome to enroll. They must just be approved by me. If you’re interested, there’s more information here. See you on Friday, Peter VIDEO TRANSCRIPT: So, I think we’ve been seeing something really fascinating and disturbing in kind of public discourse over the last year or so, when it comes to the way that Jews are discussed in American public discourse. And the way I would put it is this: that I think we are seeing a kind of discussion about Jews that now resembles the discussion that we’ve been experiencing for decades and decades about Muslims. What do I mean by that? In the wake of September 11th, it started before September 11th—you could probably go back decades before that—certainly since September 11th, the American public discourse has been trying to understand why there are certain Muslim organizations that do things that we don’t like. So, for instance, obviously, Al-Qaeda after September 11th, and later ISIS, and one of the arguments that has been very dominant in American public culture, particularly on the right, is the idea that if there are Islamist organizations that are attacking the United States or committing, you know, human rights atrocities, that reflects something particular in Islam, right? And so, all of us can remember people kind of cherry-picking quotes from the Quran, and basically suggesting that Islam itself is hostile to human rights, or preaches violence, basically an attempt to try to take an identity-based explanation for understanding why ISIS acts the way it does, or Al-Qaeda, or for that matter, the Iranian government, rather than understanding these movements and regimes as part of a world global political structure that’s responding in various different ways. And I think what we’ve seen over the last year are kind of echoes of that on the American right about Israel. You can see it in Tucker Carlson’s commentary. You can see it in Candace Owen’s commentary. You can see it in most extreme form in Nick Fuentes’ commentary. When these people are seeing Israel doing things that they don’t like—and they’re right to be upset about what Israel is doing. Israel has committed a genocide in Gaza. It’s entrenching its apartheid system in the West Bank. It’s now displaced more than a million people’s homes in Lebanon. People should be outraged about this, and they should want the U.S. to stop supporting these terrible abuses of human rights. But what we see on the right, and I wrote about this in a column in the New York Times, what we see often on the right now is that the attempt to make sense of the things that Israel’s doing that these folks don’t like, whether it’s abuses against Palestinians, or abuses against Lebanese people, or kind of trying to bring the United States into wars in the Middle East, that the explanation suggests that the reason Israel is doing this has to do with something about it being Jewish; that there’s a kind of identity-based argument. So, just like you’re trying to explain what Al-Qaeda or ISIS is doing by reference to something about Islam, you try to make an argument that the way to understand what Israel is doing by reference to something about Jewishness or Judaism. And so, now you see people like Candace Owens and Nick Fuentes literally quoting the Talmud to try to explain what Israel is doing as that’s the source of Israel’s violence or Israel’s inhumanity, again, just as people would be quoting the Quran in order to say, you see, this is why Al-Qaeda or ISIS or the Iranian regime is acting the way they’re acting. Now, I don’t want to suggest that Islamophobia and antisemitism in the United States today are equivalent. They’re really not equivalent. They’re both rising. But Islamophobia is much, much more prevalent among people who hold positions of power in American government. We have politicians who speak in a way about Muslims that no American prominent politician speaks about Jews. Donald Trump literally said, Islam hates us, right? It’s still really inconceivable to imagine an American politician saying that Judaism hates us. But what we are seeing rising from prominent figures on the anti-Israel right in the media is a discourse that I think, not surprisingly at all, in some ways recycles the way that people like Carlson have been talking about Muslims for many, many years. They’ve taken this same template, this civilizational template, this idea that the enemies of the United States, by which they really mean the enemies of kind of white Christian Americans and Europeans are motivated by some kind of civilizational difference that you can understand by virtue of their kind of alien religion and ethnicity. And I think this is fundamentally wrong. And it’s really, really important that progressives recognize it’s wrong, and recognize that Israel, in its terrible misdeeds and crimes that it’s committing is not doing so because there’s anything peculiarly Jewish about displacing people from their homes, about attacking other countries, about overseeing a system of apartheid. That Israel is deeply integrated into a world system in which the United States and American imperialism is the most dominant fact. That Israel is acting in ways that are very, very reminiscent of the way that white Western Christian countries have behaved in the United States, in Canada, in Australia, in many different settler colonies. And that it’s always important to have a universal language to describe what Israel is doing, just as it was so important to have a universal language to describe what Islamist terrorist organizations are doing, to see these as part of systems, and to understand that all human beings are capable of terrible crimes. And that the danger in the way that Carlson and Fuentes and Owens talk is that it’s actually a way of trying to let white Christian Western countries off the hook, is to say, you know, Israel is this other terrible thing that’s the product of this peculiarly anti-Western alien civilization called Judaism or Jewishness, and we are not like that, right? This is what Carlson is getting at when he says things like, Israel hates Europeans, right? In fact, Israel could not do what it has done from the very beginning without the support of Europeans. To this day, it’s deeply entrenched and entangled in that system. And it’s important for people who want to change American policy towards Israel, and who want to oppose what Israel’s doing, to be clear about the terms in which they are making this criticism, and not to fall into this trap of suggesting a kind of civilizational divide between Jews on the one hand and white Western Christians on the other, or to suggest that Israel’s misdeeds are a result of a particular Jewish pathology. They’re not. They’re the one particular expression, a terrible expression in today’s moment of the kinds of systems of oppression, of settler colonialism, of imperialism, of ethno-nationalism that we have seen across history and that we see all over the world. And they must be fought as systems of o

    8 min
  3. Israel is Not Hungary

    27 ABR

    Israel is Not Hungary

    This week’s Zoom call will be at our regular time, Friday at 1 PM Eastern. Our guest will be Cenk Uygur, co-creator and host of The Young Turks, a popular progressive political show. A month or so ago, Cenk and I were interviewed together by Piers Morgan and while we agreed about the war in Iran and US policy towards Israel, I was uncomfortable with some of the ways he spoke about Israel’s supporters in the US. Some of his subsequent comments have added to my concern. We spoke privately and then agreed to hold a public conversation. I’m struggling these days to find the right way of speaking to, and about, people who rightly demand a change in US policy toward Israel but sometimes express themselves in ways I find troubling. I’m grateful to Cenk for being willing to publicly discuss my concerns— and, of course, I’m open to hearing his critiques of me. Please join us. Cited in Today’s Video Naftali Bennett and Yair Lapid join forces to defeat Benjamin Netanyahu, and pledge not to govern with Israel’s Palestinian citizens. Things to Read (Maybe this should be obvious, but I link to articles and videos I find provocative and significant, not necessarily ones I entirely agree with.) In Jewish Currents (subscribe!), 23 Palestinians reflect on the impact of Israel’s genocide on their lives. The disastrous legacy of Trump’s pullout from the Iran nuclear agreement. For the Foundation for Middle East Peace’s Occupied Thoughts podcast, I talked to Bard College Professor Ziad Abu-Rish about the roots of Israel’s aggression against Lebanon. Appearances On May 6, I’ll be speaking to the Joint Christian Advocacy Summit in Washington, DC. On May 18, I’ll be speaking to Town Hall Seattle and Third Place Books in Seattle, Washington. See you on Friday, Peter VIDEO TRANSCRIPT: So, there’s been a big development in Israeli politics. Israel has elections that will be later this year, and in the effort to unseat Benjamin Netanyahu, two of his most prominent opponents, Naftali Bennett, the former prime minister, and Yair Lapid, the former Foreign Minister, have teamed up together. If you remember, they were in a short-lived kind of one-year-long government together as a kind of unity government, and they’ve joined up together in the election. And this is explicitly being billed as people coming together across the ideological spectrum to defeat Netanyahu and to save Israeli liberal democracy. So, both Bennett and Lapid have cited what happened in Hungary, where the opposition forces kind of united in a broad tent to defeat Viktor Orban as a kind of model for defeating Netanyahu, and therefore kind of saving Israeli democracy through a coalition of the left and the right. Yair Lapid is conventionally described as a kind of figure of the center left. Bennett is a figure of the center-right, but Lapid described Bennett as, ‘a man of the right, but a man of the liberal, decent, law-abiding right.’ And you can see how this framing would apparently seem to make a lot of sense in a comparative perspective, right? There’s been this discourse for many years now about figures like Trump, and Orban, and Modi, and Bolsonaro, and Marine Le Pen in France, and all of these as kind of representing this illiberal ethno-nationalist force around the world. And the question has been: how do people who believe in liberal democracy come together across their different ideological divides, but consolidate the support of people who believe in the principle of liberal democracy? And so, this appears to be that same dynamic happening in Israel, and I suspect there will be a lot of coverage in the American press that looks at it in this way. It’s fundamentally wrong. It fundamentally misunderstands Israeli politics and the nature of the Israeli state. It may be the case that Naftali Bennett and Yair Lapid both want Israel to remain a democracy based on the rule of law for Israeli Jews, and that there is a significant contrast with Netanyahu, in his kind of Trump-like way, basically wants to weaken the checks on the power of the Prime Minister in Israel in a way that would essentially allow him to override the rights of Israeli Jews, and of institutions that protect the rights of Israeli Jews, like the Israeli Supreme Court. But this is fundamentally different than what we’re talking about in Hungary or in the opposition to Trump in the United States, because Naftali Bennett and Yair Lapid are not talking about preserving democracy and the rule of law for the 50% of the people who live under Israeli control who are Palestinian. Not at all, right? To understand Israeli politics, one has to always start with the recognition that there are about 7 million Jews and about 7 million Palestinians between the Jordan and the Mediterranean. All of the Jews have citizenship and the right to vote for the government that controls their lives. Of the 7 million Palestinians, about 3 million live in the West Bank, under military law, without citizenship, without the right to vote for the Israeli government that has life and death power over them, and another 2 million in Gaza, similarly can’t become citizens of the Israeli state. The Israeli state has killed perhaps 100,000 of them, but there’s no voice they have over the Israeli government. And then you have 2 million of those 7 million Palestinians—a minority, less than a third—who are citizens of Israel, right? And so, they could be said to be living within a democracy. But even they are not fully equal members of Israel’s political system. And if anyone had any doubt about how deep the consensus is in Israel that even the minority of Palestinians under Israeli control who hold citizenship, that they are not equal citizens, we only need to look to what Bennett and Lapid just said this week in coming together. Bennett said, we—Yair Lapid and Naftali Bennett—will create an Israeli government which includes only Zionist parties. What does that mean? That is a way of saying we will not allow any of the parties that get their votes primarily from Palestinian citizens of Israel. We will not allow them into our government coalition because they are not Zionist, right? This Zionist line is basically a code for Palestinian, right? Because actually, some of the ultra-Orthodox parties are not technically necessarily Zionists either, but they don’t have a problem with having them in the government. The idea is that basically it has to be a government of Jews, and so even the minority of Palestinians who do have citizenship and the right to vote in Israel, even they cannot be part of this government, right, which is supposedly a government which is designed to protect Israeli democracy, right? But the entire discourse you see here of what democracy means is saturated with the underlying assumption that one is talking about democracy for Jews. It’s never even considered, right, that you might actually be talking about democracy for all people. After all, Naftali Bennett, one of the two figures who’s supposedly coming together to defend Israeli democracy is the former head of the Yesha Council, the former head of the settler movement in the West Bank. And Bennett also said that this new government would not concede one centimeter of land in the West Bank. So, the idea of talking about this as if it’s the same as what happened in Hungary, or the same as a Democratic Party effort to defeat Donald Trump, or an effort to overturn the Hindu nationalism in India, is completely misguided, right? It misunderstands the fact that all of Israeli Jewish politics, essentially, takes place within an ethno-nationalist framework, in which the very language of democracy itself is really, largely confined to the idea of democracy for Jews. Democracy for Palestinians is almost not even a subject of conversation when people like Bennett and Lapid talk about the very idea of democracy because the idea of ethno-nationalism, of Jewish supremacy so saturates the Israeli discourse. To understand Israeli politics, it really makes much more sense to think not about Israel as being similar to the US or Hungary, but to think about Israeli politics as being a bit like politics in the Jim Crow South, in which you could have fierce personal divisions between different political factions, and even different divisions about how they might govern as it related to white Southerners, right? But on the question of whether Black Southerners should have the right to vote, and should be considered part of the political process, that was simply off of the table. Because there was a very broad consensus up until the Civil Rights Movement that you had to maintain a system of white supremacy. So, even to talk, therefore, about democracy and maintaining and supporting democracy in Alabama or Mississippi or Georgia in the 1940s and 50s was understood to mean democracy for white people. That’s exactly the same way that Naftali Bennett and Yair Lapid are talking about democracy in Israel today: democracy for Jews. And the American politicians and American media, as they look towards this election season, should not fall into this trap. The differences between Naftali Bennett and Yair Lapid, and Benjamin Netanyahu, on certain issues, again, as it has to do with the relationship between religion and state for Jews in Israel, the role of the judiciary for Jews in Israel—because the Supreme Court in Israel overwhelmingly does not protect Palestinians, as many studies have shown—that distinction among how they might treat Jews is significant. But on the fundamental question of whether Israel would be a country that provides democracy for its Palestinian citizens, and provides them with equality under the law, this is no protection for democracy at all. This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit peterbeinart.substack.com/subscribe

    9 min

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A conversation about American foreign policy, Palestinian freedom and the Jewish people. peterbeinart.substack.com

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