2020 Supporters Summit

Mises Institute

Lew Rockwell and Jeff Deist host Judge Andrew Napolitano, Tom Woods, Tom DiLorenzo, Peter Klein, and Patrick Newman. Held at the historic Jekyll Island Club Resort on Jekyll Island, Georgia, October 8–10.

Episodes

  1. EPISODE 6

    Central Banking and the Constitution

    [From the 2020 Supporters Summit, presented at the historic Jekyll Island Club Resort on Jekyll Island, Georgia, on October 9, 2020.] At breakfast, I ran into Ed Griffin who wrote that wonderful book The Creature from Jekyll Island, the greatest book written about the monstrosity that was created 110 years ago and he said, “I heard you’re talking this afternoon. What are you going to talk about?” I said, well the title of my talk is the Constitution and Central Banking. He said, “Oh, you’re going to go for about thirty seconds,” because there’s nothing in the Constitution about central banking whatsoever. But there is, of course, a history that brought us to where we are now and my job, with deference to the great speakers who have appeared before me, is to try and tie a lot of this together by telling you about the history and telling you about how the Constitution has been tortured and twisted even as we speak in an effort to allow big government to control our lives. And then I have a little surprise for you at the end of my talk. Don’t let me forget the surprise. I’ve revealed it to one person, Professor Newman, I know he’s going to remind me to reveal the surprise. So, when we were colonists and the king was looking for ingenious ways to raise money, one of those ingenious ways was the Stamp Act. This required that every adult in the colonies—not in Great Britain; it would have fomented a revolution there—but every adult in the colonies have in their possession, on every piece of paper in their home, every book, every pamphlet, every financial document, every letter, a stamp issued by the British government. So, you went to a British government—you think the post office is bad today—you went to a British government post office here in the colonies and purchased these stamps to put them on the papers in your home. Question: How did the King and the Parliament three thousand miles away know if you had the stamps on the papers in your house here? The answer, the Writs of Assistance Act. The Writs of Assistance Act permitted British agents—see if this sounds familiar—to go to a secret court in London and ask the secret court for a search warrant to search wherever they wished and seize whatever they found which was evidence of any lawbreaking by not having the stamps on your papers. So, it would not be uncommon for you to hear a knock on the door, and it was a British soldier very politely showing you the writ of assistance and telling you, We have the right to come in your household—ostensibly to look for the stamps. Of course, he might be looking for alcohol that you couldn’t prove you had paid tax on; he might be looking for furniture that you had imported from the island that you couldn’t prove you paid tax on. He might even be looking to expel you from the house so that he could take it over for himself and his buddies, which is why we have the Third Amendment written ten years later. This all happened in 1765. The Stamp Act was so unpopular that Parliament eventually rescinded it, but before Parliament rescinded it, a group of students at the College of New Jersey, now called Princeton, did some quick math and concluded it cost the government more to enforce the Stamp Act than was generated by the sale of the stamps. Now that’s a headscratcher. We all know that George III was an idiot, but was he that stupid that he would enact that tax that cost more to enforce it than was generated and collected by it? Unless the purpose of the Stamp Act was not to collect money, but to remind the colonists that the king was still the king and he could enter their homes at his whim. One of the Princeton students who wrote the report was a 5’4” kid from Virginia by the name of James Madison, known then and throughout his life to his colleagues as Little Jimmy. I hope when I go to heaven I get to stand next to Little Jimmy, because I’ll look like Shaquille O’Neal by comparison. We fought a revolution; we won the Revolution. Jefferson wrote that “We are endowed by our creator with certain inalienable rights.” Tom Woods explained them: they are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, and they come from our humanity, they don’t come from the government. And because they are natural rights, the government can’t take them away, whether it’s by edict under the name of science, whether it’s by edict under the name of power, whether it’s by a majority of votes, whether it’s by the vote of everyone but one. These rights belong to us and they are ours to exercise as we see fit. That is, at least, the theory of the Declaration of Independence; the rights that Jefferson calls inalienable we also refer to as natural. Most judges are too secular to use the word natural, so they’ll call those rights fundamental, but they basically mean rights that preexist the government. After we won the Revolution and we wrote the Constitution, Little Jimmy is the scrivener in Pennsylvania. He’s the one collecting the notes; he’s the one refining the language. We all know that that constitution would never have been adopted, but for the promise of the addition of a bill of rights. We also know that that constitution would not have been adopted but for a bribe. The bribe was an agreement by the new federal government to assume the debts of the state governments that they had incurred in the Revolutionary War. Now you can’t call it a bribe. When I call it a bribe—the government actually bribes people?—I get my fingers burned. That’s like saying abortion is murder, taxation is theft; you’re not supposed to say these things on television, but when you do say them, people’s ears perk up. Yeah, it was a bribe. New Jersey got its debts removed and the feds agreed to take over those debts in return for New Jersey ratifying the Constitution, yes, and the same was the case with the majority of the other states as well. Madison is the most interesting character in all of this because of the various phases of his career. As a student at Princeton and during the Revolutionary era, he’s a radical along with Thomas Jefferson. When he’s crafting the declaration of the Constitution of the United States, he’s a big government person that’s using all kinds of artifices to craft this constitution which allows the federal government to sap the authority of the states and even to take away liberties from individuals. But then something happens to him. He’s a member of Congress; it’s time to write the Bill of Rights. He’s the chair of the committee of the House of Representatives to write the Bill of Rights, and he writes twelve amendments; only ten were adopted, the ten that we now know as the Bill of Rights. So, that iconic language, “Congress shall make no law abridging the freedom of speech,” is Madison’s. All of that beautiful language, your right to say what you want, to think what you say, to publish your thoughts, your rights, your worship or not to worship, your right to assemble or not to assemble, your right to keep and bear arms—which is not the right to shoot deer, it’s the right to shoot tyrants if they take over the government. That quintessential American right, your right to be left alone—all of those rights are articulated by Madison in the Bill of Rights. The Bill of Rights, of course, is adopted in record time and the first ten amendments are part of the Constitution. And then it becomes time for the Federal government to pay off that debt that it assumed. And so, Alexander Hamilton, who was the secretary of the Treasury, persuades President George Washington and Vice President John Adams and all the big government Federalists who control the House of Representatives and the Senate to enact the First National Bank of the United States. And who do they look to as to whether there is authority in the Constitution to enact a bank? The guy that wrote the Constitution, the guy that just wrote the Bill of Rights, the congressman from Charlottesville, Virginia, little Jimmy Madison. But, this is a different Madison at this point. Madison knows there’s no authority in the Constitution for a central bank and Madison gives one of the greatest speeches in American history, known simply as the bank speech. Google it. It is a masterpiece of the following argument: the federal government has no authority but what was given to it in the Constitution. He doesn’t say this because he was too modest: I know because I wrote the Constitution. But the argument is clearly there. (By the way, if you do Google it, they didn’t have stenographers in those days, they had people writing as fast as they could, so some of the bank speech is literally what came out of Madison’s mouth, some of the bank speech is a summary by the persons taking notes of what they heard Madison say. But by the time of the bank speech, the former radical, the then big government guy, now becomes a small government Anti-Federalist. They call themselves by the name that’s alien to our ears today, the Democratic Republicans, but this was Jefferson’s maximum individual liberty, maximum state rights, minimum federal government party. Madison has now left the Federalists and he’s back with them. Maybe some of this was personal, I don’t know, but clearly when he gave that bank speech, he exalts two of the ten amendments: the Ninth Amendment, which says, Just because we listed rights in the first eight, doesn’t mean that those are the only rights. There are other rights that human beings have, which the government shall not disparage. And the Tenth Amendment, which says, Those powers not delegated in this Constitution to the federal government are reserved to the states or to the people, respectively. Among those powers never delegated away and among the rights never articulated in the first eight, was the right of the states to create a bank. So, Madison’s argument is

  2. EPISODE 7

    The Fact-Free Covid Dystopia

    [From the 2020 Supporters Summit, presented at the historic Jekyll Island Club Resort on Jekyll Island, Georgia, on October 9, 2020.]  Today I’m going to talk to you about what’s been going on in our country for over half a year now, not just in the United States, but around the world. Some of this we all know, but we’ve been getting, let’s say, not the entire story for much of the time and we’ve had to wait to hear additional experts chime in to say, Wait a minute, maybe the first experts were all wrong. It’s been hard to know exactly what to think and what numbers we ought to be looking at when it comes to this covid-19. Should we be looking at cases, should we be looking at percent positive rates, hospitalizations, deaths? All kinds of numbers have been thrown at us, some with context, some without. So, I’m going to spend a little time reviewing this and making a bit of a clarion call to enjoy human life the way it’s meant to be enjoyed. Now since March, we’ve experienced lockdowns and restrictions of various kinds, supposedly all in the name of science, you understand. If you don’t support these things, you must hate science. That’s the intellectual level of the conversation. We were told, We need fifteen days to flatten the curve—fifteen days. I believe we’re on day number 209 of fifteen days to flatten the curve. Remember the old days when the concern was, We don’t want to overwhelm the hospitals? We can’t cure this thing, but at least we could get the hospitals in the condition they need to be in and allow them to be able to cope with reasonable numbers of people, and we would flatten out the number of hospitalizations and deaths over time, so as to allow the hospitals to be able to cope with them rather than have everybody arriving at the hospital all at once. OK. Then, you start to see on social media all your friends saying the hospitals are overwhelmed. It was like a memo had gone out that the word we were all going to use was “overwhelmed.” Like your friends couldn’t even be creative enough to come up with a different word; they all had the same word: the hospitals are overwhelmed. Because their other friend said the hospitals are overwhelmed, because the other friend said that. What actually happened was that in April alone, 1.4 million jobs in healthcare were lost, because far from being overwhelmed, the hospitals were mostly empty. As a matter of fact, in May, NPR ran a story with this headline about all those field hospitals that they built because of all the overflow that was supposedly going to happen. Headline: “US Field Hospitals Stand Down, Most without Treating Any COVID-19 Patients.” Hmm, what was going on here? The hospitals were never overwhelmed at any time, with the possible brief exception of New York City. In California, we began to see how the goalposts began to be changed. What they were worried about at the time they were telling us about flattening the curve was thirty thousand hospitalizations. We really have to be careful about hitting that number. The current hospitalization number in California as of this time—we’re in October 2020—is just over three thousand and they’re still so panicked that they won’t open anything. They’ll open a little tiny thing and you have to put your mask on in between bites while you’re eating at a restaurant. So, it’s one-tenth what they feared. There’s state after state after state. Washington, DC, not a state, but nevertheless, Washington, DC, that’s an example of one of many places in the US where the numbers all indicate, have indicated for months, that the state is clearly at the phase justifying reopening. The numbers clearly indicate, from what they said at the beginning—we need to reach such and such—well, they’ve reached it, and now they keep changing it. Now it’s not hospitalizations anymore, now it’s “cases” and as we’ll talk about, the way that testing is being done even the New York Times had to say Maybe your coronavirus test shouldn’t have been positive. Even the New York Times was reduced to admitting this—that as many as 90 percent of the tests, because the testing is so sensitive, are yielding just viral debris that isn’t infectious at all. But you’ve got to go and isolate yourself for X number of days for no reason. And we’re going to use this number, and we’re going to wait till this number hits zero, which even just given the problem of false positives is impossible. So, you can’t have your life back in some states unless you more or less take it back. That’s what they’ve done to us. Also, in Washington, DC, the public schools have been closed, but they put a cap of eleven students per room on private schools, no matter how big the room is. That basically cripples the private schools, for no reason. There’s no scientific basis for that. Then it became You can have your life back once there’s a vaccine. What? There might never be a vaccine. As Martin Kulldorff of Harvard Medical School puts it, “The timeline for a vaccine is anywhere between 6 months from now and never.” So, at some point, we have to figure out how to live with this kind of situation. Well then, when it started to look like maybe we might get a vaccine, then the story became Even with a vaccine, you can’t have your life back. And if you object to that, you’re the problem. You’re not listening to the science. Everything that brought people joy was abruptly taken away and every time it looked like it might creep back in, you get another headline about how you can’t have this back, you can’t have that back, this’ll never be the same, maybe we’ll never have sports again, maybe we’ll never do…And it’s almost like they take a perverse delight in this. Well, if ever there were a use of the expression “get bent,” I would say it’s right about now. Now, of course people will say, Wait a minute, what, do you just want people to die? Again, this is the intellectual level of the conversation. You just want people do die. How do you talk to somebody like that? So, in order to do that, I’m going to appeal to the above midwit-level population and I’m going to remind people of the important lesson in Henry Hazlitt’s great book Economics in One Lesson. This is a book that’s sold millions of copies and Hazlitt’s one lesson, as we all know in this room, is that if you’re going to evaluate an economic policy, it’s not enough to evaluate the short-term consequences for one earmarked group. Any blockhead can do that. If you want to know the long-term consequences or the real consequence of it, you look at the long-term effects on everybody, not the short-term effects on an earmarked group. For example, suppose the government taxes the public to build a stadium. Well, the midwit will simply point to the stadium and say, “Hey, look at this wonderful thing that the government did. It’s a stadium.” And yes, we can all see with our physical eyes that there’s a stadium there, but they think that’s the entirety of the analysis: a stadium has somehow appeared. There’s no thought of costs, opportunity costs, where the money came from, where it would have gone otherwise—none of that is even considered, because those things can’t be seen with your physical eyes. To understand the fullness of the policy, you have to be able to think and see with your mind’s eye. Likewise, with rent control people think, You impose rent control and people get lower rents, and that’s the entirety of the analysis as far as they’re concerned. There’s nothing further we need to consider. We just take these fat cats and just force them to lower rents, and then everybody gets lower rent and that’s, as far as the midwit is concerned, that’s the end of the discussion, because that’s what he sees with his physical eyes. But, for people capable of seeing with their mind’s eye, they ask other questions like, How many people are going to start building low-cost rental housing if they know that this ceiling has been imposed? There will obviously be far less housing built, which will make the problem of housing people worse. We also know that at these particular rates, you have a million people and surfeit of demand, so if you’re a landlord, you can be a jerk, you don’t have to fix that leaky pipe, you don’t have to do any maintenance, because if somebody’s upset about it, you got 8 million other people who would be very happy to take that person’s place. So, in other words, if you see with your mind’s eye, you understand that rent control is a lot more complicated than just Duh, we forced them to lower the rent and it’s low for everybody. And in fact, if, for some reason, you wanted to lower rents through the means of government impositions, you would actually want to do the exact opposite of rent control. You would want to control every single price in the entire economy except rents, because that would make entrepreneurs not want to go into the production of anything other than rental property because everything else would be unprofitable. The one thing they could produce would be rental property, which would lead to a collapse in rental prices, which would be great for everybody. So, literally the opposite of what these people recommend would be the best thing. But the point is, we have to think about all the consequences for everybody. Well, the same thing goes for public health, because my talk could be called “Public Health in One Lesson.” Because yes, if you simply focus monomaniacally on one virus, you might be able to say, Look at what we did for this one virus. You might be able to say that. I’m not even sure they can say that, but they might be able to say, Look what we’ve done for people with this one virus, and then, being midwits, they leave the discussion right there. They don’t bother to investigate

About

Lew Rockwell and Jeff Deist host Judge Andrew Napolitano, Tom Woods, Tom DiLorenzo, Peter Klein, and Patrick Newman. Held at the historic Jekyll Island Club Resort on Jekyll Island, Georgia, October 8–10.

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